Curing Oneself of One's (Father)Land

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kusek

In the opening section of his 2017 memoir An Odyssey, the American writer and scholar Daniel Mendelsohn aptly notes that the English language has a number of nouns to describe the act of moving in space from one point to another. While “voyage,” due to its Latin provenance is “saturated in the material”2 (Lat. viaticum, i.e. provisions for a journey), and “journey,” which originates in the Old French word jornee (meaning day or its portion), points to the temporal dimension of moving, the word “travel” (also French in origin, travail) refers to effort and pain (Mendelsohn 20). “Travel,” Mendelsohn asserts, “suggests the emotional dimension of travelling: not its material accessories, or how long it may last, but how it feels. For in the days when these words took their shape and meaning, travel was above all difficult, painful, arduous, something strenuously avoided by most people” (20–21).

Legal Studies ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 360-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Robertson

The word ‘estoppel’ had its origins in the old French word ‘estoup’, meaning plug or stopper. The principle of estoppel by representation of fact operates in a manner which is consistent with those origins. Where a representation of fact is relied upon by a representee, the effect of the estoppel is to stop up the mouth of the representor, and prevent him or her from asserting facts contrary to his or her own representation. The rights of the parties are then determined by reference to the represented or assumed state of affairs. An estoppel by representation of fact can be used defensively, where an action which would otherwise be available to the plaintiff is not available on the assumed state of affairs. It can also be used aggressively, to establish a state of affairs in which a cause of action exists, where that cause of action would not be available on the true state of affairs.


1991 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Galazka

Postnatal rubella is a mild illness, a disease which was considered to be of only minor importance for many years. The first authors to write about the disease as distinct from other exanthemata were German physicians; they differentiated rubella from measles and scarlet fever in the latter part of the eighteenth century and called the disease Rotheln. Hence the common English language eponym is ‘German measles’. Some consider that the term ‘German’ in German measles is probably of literary rather than of geographical significance and that it came from the old French ‘germain’ (derived from the Latin ‘germanus‘), meaning ‘closely akin to’ measles [1]. That it is not generally called by its German name, Rotheln, is due to Veale, a Scottish physician who in 1866 described 30 cases of rubella in the Edinburgh Medical Journal, and proposed ‘rubella’ as a short and euphonius name that could be easily pronounced [2].


1961 ◽  
Vol 107 (449) ◽  
pp. 687-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Shepherd

Jealousy is more than a psychiatric symptom. Its language is universal: the conduct and feelings of the jealous man and woman have repeatedly drawn the attention of the great observers of human nature, the moralists and the philosophers as well as the poets and the novelists. They have, on the whole, described the reaction more successfully than they have defined it. Even the most celebrated definitions—Descartes' “kind of fear related to a desire to preserve a possession” or Spinoza's “mixture of hate and love”, for example— merely illustrate the complexity of a term whose many nuances of meaning can be detected in its roots. The English adjective “jealous” and the noun “jealousy” are derived respectively from the French “jaloux” and “jalousie”, both taken from the old Provençal “gilos”; “gilos” in turn may be traced back to the vulgar Latin adjective “zelosus” which comes from the late Latin “zelus” and so indirectly from the Greek ζηλoς. In its transmission the word has thus been debased. It has ceased to denote “zeal” or “ardour”; the “noble passion” which stood opposed to “envy” for the Greeks has acquired a pejorative quality. In modern German the distinction is preserved verbally, “Eifersucht” having been formed from the original “Eifer” (zeal) and the suffix “-sucht”, which is cognate with “siech”, meaning “sickly”. Amorous jealousy claims associations of its own. During the seventeenth century the French word “jalousie” acquired the meaning of “blind” or “shutter”; in this sense it entered the English language as a noun in the early nineteenth century; the transmutation is thought to have signified a jocular reference to the suspicious husband or lover who could watch unobserved behind the jalousie; the Italian word “gelosia” is used in this way as early as the middle of the sixteenth century. In the Scandinavian languages separate words designate amorous jealousy. (1) The Swedish “svartsjuk”, literally “black sick”, is taken from an old expression which identified jealousy with the wearing of black socks; the Danish “skinsyg”, “afraid of getting skin (a rebuff)”, harks back to an old link of jealousy with skin which may in turn have been connected with hose or socks. (2) The origin of the colours which are traditionally employed to depict jealousy, especially black, yellow and green, is obscure.


Diachronica ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Gess

SUMMARY Based on the assumption that the loss of the Old French word-internal syllable-final consonants (/S/ ( = [s] and [z]), /N/ ( = all nasal consonants), forward a unified analysis of these changes according to which they should have taken place within two or three centuries, rather than the ten or eleven centuries that has previously been assumed. I provide empirical support for this analysis. Previous hypotheses, which treat the changes as entirely separate events, are shown to be inadequate and lacking of tenable empirical support. RÉSUMÉ Basé sur la supposition que la perte en ancien français des consonnes finales des syllabes internes (/S/ ( = [s] et [z]), /N/ (=toute consonne nasale), /I/ et /R/) sont des manifestations individuelles d'un seul processus général, j'avance une analyse unifiée de ces changements selon laquelle ils ont dû avoir lieu dans une période de deux ou trois siècles, au lieu de dix ou onze siècles, comme on l'a supposé avant. Je pourvois des données empiriques à l'appui de cette analyse. Je montre que les hypothèses précédentes, selon lesquelles les changements sont des événements tout à fait séparés, sont insuffisantes et manquantes de soutien empirique défendable. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Aufgrund der Annahme, dass der Verlust der wort-internen Konsonanten in Silben-Endstellung (/S/ ( = [s] und [z]), /N/ ( = alle Nasalkonsonanten), /l/ und /R/) Anzeichen eines einzigen Prozesses ist, wird eine einheitliche Analyse dieser Veränderungen vorgelegt, denenzufolge sie in einem Zeitraum von zwei oder drei Jahrhunderten stattgefunden haben sollen, und nicht, wie bisher angenommen, von zehn oder elf. Für diese Analyse wird empirische Stütze geliefert. Es wird gezeigt, dass bisherige Hypothesen, diese Veränderungen als vollkommen getrennte Ereignisse zu behandeln, wegen ihres Mangels an haltbarer, empirischer Stütze unzureichend sind.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (193) ◽  
pp. 231-235
Author(s):  
Maryna Kizil ◽  

The article is devoted to the research of Briitsh and American English juridical terms designating persons. This is the most numerous thematic group of juridical terms among others including terms designating different branches of law, terms denoting types of different insitutions of the sphere, types of legal documents, stages of legal procedures, procedural norms, types of crimes, offences, punishments in particular. The group of juridical terms designating persons is not homogeneous semantically. It consists of terms denoting representatives of different professions of the sphere, persons with assigned juridical rights or duties, criminals who break the law. Many of these terms have the same meanings in British and American variants of the English language. That is why they are called equivalent for both variants. Most of these terms are of Franco-Latin origin, as they were borrowed from Latin into Old French and from it into Middle and New English. So they appeared in the British English and penetrated into American one later. Some terms in the analyzed thematic group have synonymous or nearly synonymous meanings represented by different forms in British and American variants of the English language. The analyzed group also comprises other types of terms. Such terms are not equal in meanings or their shades. That is why they are called non-equivalent terms for analyzed variants of the English language. The categorial semes of their meanings are the same or practically the same in both variants. The differential semes of meanings of these terms can differ not only qualitatively, but also quantitavely. Their quality reveals in the shades of meanings or their differences. Quantitative differences reveal in widening of the denotative meaning of the term in one variant of the English language (British or American) and its narrowing in another variant correspondently. Most of non-equivalent terms from the analyzed thematic group have nationally marked semes. Such semes reveal and characterize national and cultural peculiarities of the development of British and American legal and juridical system somehow.


Author(s):  
Joe Carlen

In 1985, Peter Drucker, the late management expert, defined entrepreneurship as “the act that endows resources with a new capacity to create wealth,”1 among the most specific and meaningful definitions of the term. More literally, the words “entrepreneurship” and “enterprise” both derive from the Old French word for “an undertaking,” ...


2010 ◽  
Vol 278 (1713) ◽  
pp. 1794-1803 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shijulal Nelson-Sathi ◽  
Johann-Mattis List ◽  
Hans Geisler ◽  
Heiner Fangerau ◽  
Russell D. Gray ◽  
...  

Language evolution is traditionally described in terms of family trees with ancestral languages splitting into descendent languages. However, it has long been recognized that language evolution also entails horizontal components, most commonly through lexical borrowing. For example, the English language was heavily influenced by Old Norse and Old French; eight per cent of its basic vocabulary is borrowed. Borrowing is a distinctly non-tree-like process—akin to horizontal gene transfer in genome evolution—that cannot be recovered by phylogenetic trees. Here, we infer the frequency of hidden borrowing among 2346 cognates (etymologically related words) of basic vocabulary distributed across 84 Indo-European languages. The dataset includes 124 (5%) known borrowings. Applying the uniformitarian principle to inventory dynamics in past and present basic vocabularies, we find that 1373 (61%) of the cognates have been affected by borrowing during their history. Our approach correctly identified 117 (94%) known borrowings. Reconstructed phylogenetic networks that capture both vertical and horizontal components of evolutionary history reveal that, on average, eight per cent of the words of basic vocabulary in each Indo-European language were involved in borrowing during evolution. Basic vocabulary is often assumed to be relatively resistant to borrowing. Our results indicate that the impact of borrowing is far more widespread than previously thought.


1939 ◽  
Vol 85 (354) ◽  
pp. 45-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Partridge
Keyword(s):  

Truant is an old French word meaning “vagrant”, and the term “truancy” means “unlawful absence”. The study of truancy in children is chiefly concerned with wandering, staying out from home, and staying away from, and refusing to go to school.


Author(s):  
Jennifer H. Oliver

Over the course of the sixteenth century, the Old French word for ship—‘nef’—gradually fell out of use, being replaced by ‘navire’ and ‘vaisseau’. This chapter explores an important strand of this story; the persistence of a symbolic, literary ‘nef’, whose origins can be traced from medieval tradition through to the first decade of the sixteenth century. A mini-genre, the Nef book, capitalized on the popularity of Sebastian Brant’s Narrenschiff, and over the course of just a few years, this genre developed and changed, generating de-nauticalized compendia on a range of subjects. These compendia are significant with respect to (among other things) the beginnings of the commonplace book; two of the authors examined in this chapter (Jodocus Badius and Symphorien Champier), played important roles in the emergence of this tradition. Shipwreck often represents the fate of the sinner’s soul, but as the concerns of the Nef books become more worldly, and less spiritual, partly by contact with the Fürstenspiegel (mirrors for princes) tradition, so too the significance of shipwrecks shifts; the prospect of bodily shipwreck, in particular, comes increasingly to the fore. Besides identifying and analysing this previously neglected family of books, this chapter sheds light on several important conventions that will continue to inform the dynamics of shipwreck throughout the century. In particular, it shows that seafaring was the subject both of curiosity and of moral anxiety; it is this tension that makes the family of Nef books a particularly rich cluster of texts with which to open this study of shipwreck.


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