The Rule of Law in Crisis? – Some Observations from the Perspective of the Venice Commission

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 530-551
Author(s):  
Martin Kuijer

The European Commission for Democracy through Law - better known as the Venice Commission - is the Council of Europe’s advisory body on constitutional matters. In this article, the existence of serious threats to the rule of law will be elaborated on. There are various methods in order to conduct such an exercise. This contribution is limited to the overarching trend to use legislative amendments to repress those who disagree with government policies, those who could potentially disagree with the government line, or those who are otherwise considered to be an ‘opponent’ to the regime. When examining those threats, a distinction will be made between those measures which target the judiciary (including constitutional justice), the press, and civil society. Reference will be made to opinions adopted by the Venice Commission over the last five years (in a non-exhaustive manner). Because of this angle (opinions, statements and studies of the Venice Commission), this article does not provide an exhaustive picture of the ‘Rule of Law’ landscape, nor is that the intention of this article. Some thoughts as to the underlying explanations for such a ‘Rule of Law crisis’ will be discussed. In the concluding part, some more personal comments will be made how a body such as the Venice Commission can respond to the before-mentioned threats to the Rule of Law.

Xihmai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (26) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Jaime Hidalgo González [1]

ResumenA partir de la reforma constitucional de junio de 2011, la obligación del Estado, desde su actuar integral de garantizar y tutelar los derechos humanos, generó una nueva dimensión desde la cual debemos entender y construir el Estado de Derecho. La Justicia Constitucional tiene como fines principales mantener la supremací­a constitucional, el equilibrio entre los poderes del Estado y la protección de las personas limitando el ejercicio de poder polí­tico a través de la aplicación de dos principios sustantivos y procedimentales: el principio de constitucionalidad y el principio de convencionalidad.Palabras clave: Estado, Sociedad Civil, Esfera Pública, Estado de Derecho, Justicia Constitucional, Derechos Humanos.AbstractSince the constitution reform of june 2011 the obligation of the State from his responsibility of guarantee and protect human rights generated a new dimension from which we must understand and build the Rule of Law. The Constitutional Justice has as main goals keep the constitutional supremacy, the balance between the powers of the State and the protection of the individuals by limiting the exercise of political power through the application of the principles of constitutionally and conventionality.Keywords: State, Civil Society, Public Sphere, Rule of Law, Constitutional Justice, Human Rights.    [1] Egresado de la Licenciatura en Derecho de la Universidad La Salle Pachuca. Profesor de Derecho Constitucional y Procesal Constitucional en la misma Universidad. Cuenta con estudios sobre Sociedad Civil e Instituciones Democráticas, Metodologí­as de Investigación Cualitativa y Cuantitativa, desarrollo de análisis legislativo, así­ como para la planeación, implementación y evaluación de Indicadores de Gestión y Evaluación de Polí­ticas Públicas. Ha publicado diversos artí­culos académicos sobre Ciudadaní­a, Democracia, Derechos Humanos, Análisis Constitucional y Comportamiento Electoral. Es miembro del Centro de Estudios Constitucionales y Derechos Humanos del Estado de Hidalgo.


1996 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
Obiora Chinedu Okafor

The struggle of Nigerian civil society for the establishment of a democratic polity, founded on the rule of law and the respect for the human and peoples’ rights of ordinary citizens of Nigeria, has been waged against the military governments that have ruled by force for the better part of its nearly three and a half decades of independent existence. During this struggle, there have been many cases of seizure of the passports of prominent opposition activists by members of the security agencies of the government. Such acts have generated much international condemnation of the government, as well as some judicial disapproval.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Muzakir Haitami ◽  
Alya Rengganis

The Indonesian government's policies to prevent and encounter the spread of Corona Virus Disease (COVID-19) pandemic are still considered not optimal to realize good governance, with the high number of COVID-19 spread throughout Indonesia. This research discusses the implementation of good governance in Indonesia in the COVID-19 pandemic based on eight good governance indicators. This research uses observation techniques to collect the data. The research results indicate that Indonesia is not achieving the ideal target in implementing good governance in overcoming this pandemic. This happened due to a lack of assertiveness in policymaking and a low level of public participation in policy implementation, which led to delays in COVID-19 countermeasures actions. The implementation of policies in China, New Zealand and Turkey indicates that these three countries have the authority to regulate strictly. Meanwhile, in Indonesia, the rule of law and government policies' effectiveness is still weak; delayed action from the government in responding to pandemic proves a lack of government responsiveness. The policies implemented are not based on consensus; equity in accessing public services also becomes a problem. In the end, people lose their trust in the government because they failed to provide unaccountable information. Thus, good governance in Indonesia in the COVID-19 pandemic is still difficult to implement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 2577-2584
Author(s):  
Dr. Ibrahim Noureddin Kamba ◽  
Dr. Hasan M. Elarabi Elsharif

One of the main dimensions of good governance, which was adopted by the World Bank, is to ensure government provides quality services to its citizens. This dimension is very essential for the implementation of government policies and programs. For this reason, the government has to be accountable to all of their people about their services if their quality is not good. This study adopted quantitative method for primary data collection through questionnaire survey. The results from the data which was gathered from the Libyan people revealed that the Libyan people disagree with the rule of law as it does not enhance provision of good quality services, and they have no trust for the current laws by the government because they are not accountable.  The reasons for their views were due to the fact that most of the laws are not just laws. The study recommended that there is need to ensure the independence of the legislative institution via the constitution of the state, and also ensure the independence of the judiciary in order to enhance the ability of the institution to work freely without pressure from the government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Magun Pikahulan

Abstract: The Plato's conception of the rule of law states that good governance is based on good law. The organization also spreads to the world of Supreme Court justices, the election caused a decadence to the institutional status of the House of Representatives as a people's representative in the government whose implementation was not in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court No.27/PUU-XI/2013 explains that the House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only approve or disapprove candidates for Supreme Court Justices that have been submitted by the Judicial Commission. In addition, the proportion of proposed Supreme Court Justices from the judicial commission to the House of Representatives (DPR) has changed, whereas previously the Judicial Commission had to propose 3 (three) of each vacancy for the Justices, now it is only one of each vacant for Supreme Court Judges. by the Supreme Court. The House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only "approve" or "disagree" the Supreme Judge candidates nominated by the Judicial Commission.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 142
Author(s):  
Saiful Kholik ◽  
Imas Khaeriyah

Inconsistency Regional Regulation No.14 of 2006 about marine conservation area of the island of Biawak, Gososng, which Cendekian provides protection but in fact failed to provide protection as evidenced by dredging island sandbar and cendekian conducted PT.Pertamina UP VI Balongan INDRAMAYU. The problem in this research How Formulation Policy Act No. 10 Year 2009 on the Indonesian Tourism with the Indramayu Regional Regulation No. 14 of 2006 regarding marine conservation area of the island of Biawak, Gososng, Cendekian And How Harmonization Act No. 10 of 2009 with the Indramayu Regional Regulation No. 14 of 2006 regarding formulation Act No. 10 Year 2009 on the Indonesian Tourism with the Indramayu Regional Regulation No. 14 of 2006 about marine conservation area of the island of Biawak, Gososng, Cendekian, the purpose of this research to understand and analyze the extent to which policy The findings of the community or field of law local governments about the environmental damage done by companies or individuals are not equal accordance with regional regulations in force, nor the Law in force so that the function of law in society indramayu not fit the mandate to establish a change and justice based Formulation public corporate criminal liability.Inskonsitensi happens to local regulation No.14 of 2006 makes no harmonized with the regulations of each other so that the impact of this inskonsistensi makes the sector particularly environmental law enforcement get uncertainties that result in coastal communities Indramayau.Conclusion Harmonization of regulations of the center and regions delivering the policy formulation of the rule of law area to comply with the regulations above in order to avoid inconsistency, the occurrence of this inconsistency resulted in the rule of law and justice for the indramayu, suggestion that the government should was nearly revise regulations related area, especially the government must dare to take action to give effect to the perpetrator deterrent effect rule-based running as well as possible.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Dorf ◽  
Michael S. Chu

Lawyers played a key role in challenging the Trump administration’s Travel Ban on entry into the United States of nationals from various majority-Muslim nations. Responding to calls from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which were amplified by social media, lawyers responded to the Travel Ban’s chaotic rollout by providing assistance to foreign travelers at airports. Their efforts led to initial court victories, which in turn led the government to soften the Ban somewhat in two superseding executive actions. The lawyers’ work also contributed to the broader resistance to the Trump administration by dramatizing its bigotry, callousness, cruelty, and lawlessness. The efficacy of the lawyers’ resistance to the Travel Ban shows that, contrary to strong claims about the limits of court action, litigation can promote social change. General lessons about lawyer activism in ordinary times are difficult to draw, however, because of the extraordinary threat Trump poses to civil rights and the rule of law.


Urban History ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.J. Morris

ABSTRACTThe concept of civil society provides a useful means of evaluating the social and political relationships of British towns. Civil society refers to the non-prescriptive relationships that lie between the state and kin. Such relationships are associated with the existence of the free market, the rule of law and a strong voluntary associational culture. Both theoretical analysis and historical evidence link civil society with the nature of urban places, their complexity, their function as a central place and their operation as a focus for flows of information. Between 1780 and 1820 the agencies of civil society in Britain provided an arena for making choices, for reasoned informed debate and for the collective provision and consumption of services in an open and pluralist manner.


Yuridika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 663
Author(s):  
Iwan Satriawan ◽  
Devi Seviyana

The research aims to analyze the power and limit of the state and whether Indonesia has properly adopted the concept of powers and limits during state emergency of COVID-19 pandemic. The method of the research was normative legal research which used statute and case approach were employed for data analysis. The result shows that a state may apply some types of power in an emergency condition. However, in using its powers, the government must consider principle of limits in a state of emergency. In fact, Indonesia does not properly adopt the balance of power and limit in the state of emergency during COVID-19 pandemic. It is true that the government may take actions to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the State cannot exceed the limitations of using powers in accordance with state emergency principle. There was a tendency to exceed the limits by the State during the pandemic. The State has violated some state of emergency principles during COVID-19 pandemic such as temporary, the rule of law, necessity, proportionally, intangibility, constitutionalism, harmony, and supervision. The research recommends that the Government and the House of Representatives (the DPR) in the future should obey the state of emergency principles, particularly in terms of state power limits to respect constitutional principles and rule of law. In addition, individuals, groups of people, or organizations may submit judicial review of laws or regulations that violate the state of emergency principles in handling pandemic in the light of protecting the fundamental rights of citizens.


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