Civic Organization beyond the ‘Open Society’ Battle: Cases from Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-177
Author(s):  
Ágnes Gagyi ◽  
Márton Szarvas ◽  
András Vígvári

Our paper aims to contribute to the understanding of civil society in Hungary by looking beyond the struggles around open society and international NGOs, a topic that has dominated public debates on civil organizations in Hungary for the last decade. Our starting point follows the literature that has broadened the understanding of NGOs in the post-socialist space with the perspective of their insertion in global hierarchies in terms of unequal knowledge and resource transfer, material dependencies and the effects in local social settings. More attention recently has been given to the social positions of domestic civil organizations and the political and material dependencies they operate within. The analysis of organizations which represent and defend different interests within different social strata is crucial to understanding civil society in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Following this thread of discussions, we look at three segments of civil society which were previously understudied, to expand on how social relations structure civil society in contemporary CEE: 1) nationalist but anti-governmental organizations, for example in the field of housing; 2) urban and rural informal self-organization in order to cope with material hardships collectively has been significantly growing in the recent years; 3) rural civil organizations aligned with local elites, embedded in material dependencies, which have been present since 1990, but occupy a more and more significant role after the illiberal turn. We think that adding these segments to the study of civil society in CEE can help to broaden the analysis beyond the discursively and ideologically thematized struggles around NGOs, and contribute to a better understanding of illiberal regimes and the counter-movements they produce.

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damien Cahill

This article responds to Peck’s call for a heterodox economic analysis of markets that is sensitive to their sociality and spatiality with Polanyi’s work as a starting point. It is argued that while Polanyi’s concept of the socially embedded economy offers a useful heuristic for apprehending the social foundations of economic activity, his analysis exhibits ‘market fetishism’ – a tendency to treat markets as things in and of themselves, without a proper appreciation of their inherently social foundations – and that this is reflected in broader scholarly discourses with respect to markets. Thus, it is argued, we need to augment Polanyi’s framework with other heterodox economic insights. The article outlines a four-step approach to ‘de-fetishizing’ markets. First, the article foregrounds the specifically capitalist nature of the global economy, and the ‘unique system of market dependence’ to which capitalist social relations give rise. Second, it is argued that de-fetishizing markets requires that an agent-centred approach be adopted. Rather than viewing markets as ‘things’ it is argued that they are most usefully understood as the interactions between agents, the most significant of which, within the contemporary global economy, is the large capitalist firm. Third, the interaction between such agents is structured by pervasive frameworks of rules. Fourth, it is argued that markets are inherently spatial phenomena. They are spatially constituted and contribute to the production of space.


Author(s):  
Oliver Pye

Oliver Pye: For a labour turn in the environmental justice movement. Struggles over the social relations of nature and strategies for social-ecological transformation. This article discusses struggles in the social relations of nature and how these relate to strategies of socialecological transformation and calls for a labour turn in the environmental and climate justice movement. Taking the rapid changes to the social-ecological landscape of the Kapuas River in Indonesia as a starting point, it shows how this “accumulation by dispossession” is connected to a “corporate food regime” that is embedded within global “postfordist relations of nature”. I then argue that the global production networks linking appropriation to exploitation should themselves be viewed as alienated steps in the social metabolism with nature. Struggles against accumulation by dispossession need to connect to the labour movement, which holds the key to overcome the alienated work that lies at the heart of society’s alienation with nature.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Aliriza Arënliu ◽  
Dr.Sc. Dashamir Bërxulli ◽  
Dr.Sc. Mytaher Haskuka

Kosovo aims for development of a state over the Kosovo state identity, which includes all communities living in Kosovo. Integration of all communities in public institutions and life remains one of the challenges of Kosovo society. The social distance refers to the extent of understanding of another group, which characterizes parasocial and social relations. Another definition is the lack of availability and relations in being open to others. Bogardus states that social distance is an outcome of affective distance between members of two groups. Earlier studies have shown that the social distance or gap is related to the ethnic background, education level and earlier interaction with other ethnic groups. Also, studies have shown a link with social/political activism. Further, it has been proven that social distance is manifested at three different spatial dimensions, their own self in a reciprocal co-product: physical, symbolical and geometric. The study aims to explicate social distance in a relation with demographic records of respondents to a research undertaken in Kosovo in 2010, in which 1296 citizens (64.4% Albanians, 13.9% Serbs, 6.9% Turkish, 5% Roma/Ashkali/Egyptian (RAE), 6.9% Bosnian and 2.7% others). Social distance has been measured by asking the respondents about the groups or persons they would object in terms of neighborhood: they, who speak another language, have another religion, have homosexual orientation, etc. Comparisons of average social distance in relation with ethnic sub-groups, gender, level of education, experience in earlier trips to the countries of the European Union (EU), size of settlement and the region of origin of the respondent, show significant differences, at p < 0.05. Also, the research also reviewed the link between social activism and activism in civil society and social distance. In these terms, outcomes are less clearer, thereby suggesting that social activism or activism in civil society not necessarily influences the narrowing of the social gap. Outcomes are discussed in due account of permanent efforts to involve minorities in governance and public life in Kosovo.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 105-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Artur Ribeiro

In recent years some archaeological commentators have suggested moving away from an exclusively anthropocentric view of social reality. These ideas endorse elevating objects to the same ontological level as humans – thus creating a symmetrical view of reality. However, this symmetry threatens to force us to abandon the human subject and theories of meaning. This article defends a different idea. It is argued here that an archaeology of the social, based on human intentionality, is possible, while maintaining an ontology that does not involve dualistic conceptions of reality. Building upon the philosophical work of Vincent Descombes, it is contended that humans are intentional actors and society is predicated on triadic relations that involve humans, objects and meanings. These relations can only be understood holistically, given that these relations are merely parts of a meta-narrative. These meta-narratives contain specific historical and social settings, and it is only within these settings that social relations are intelligible.


First Monday ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Martina Mahnke Skrubbeltrang ◽  
Josefine Grunnet ◽  
Nicolai Traasdahl Tarp

When Instagram announced the implementation of algorithmic personalization on their platform a heated debate arose. Several users expressed instantly their strong discontent under the hashtag #RIPINSTAGRAM. In this paper, we examine how users commented on the announcement of Instagram implementing algorithmic personalization. Drawing on the conceptual starting point of framing user comments as “counter-narratives” (Andrews, 2004), which oppose Instagram’s organizational narrative of improving the user experience, the study explores the main concerns users bring forth in greater detail. The two-step analysis draws on altogether 8,645 comments collected from Twitter and Instagram. The collected Twitter data were used to develop preliminary inductive categories describing users’ counter-narratives. Thereafter, we coded all Instagram data extracted from Instagram systematically in order to enhance, adjust and revise the preliminary categories. This inductive coding approach (Mayring, 2000) combined with an in-depth qualitative analysis resulted in the identification of the following four counter-narratives brought forth by users: 1) algorithmic hegemony; 2) violation of user autonomy; 3) prevalence of commercial interests; and 4) deification of mainstream. All of these counter-narratives are related to ongoing public debates regarding the social implications of algorithmic personalization. In conclusion, the paper suggests that the identified counter-narratives tell a story of resistance. While technological advancement is generally welcomed and celebrated, the findings of this study point towards a growing user resistance to algorithmic personalization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-124
Author(s):  
Klaus Geiselhart ◽  
Tobias Häberer

Abstract. Poststructuralist theory focuses largely on describing how and why subjects reproduce the social conditions they have internalised. This is a deconstruction of the central idea of the Enlightenment, the human capacity for autonomous action. At the same time, however, it also denies all individuals any responsibility and ultimately leads criticism into a crisis. Pragmatist philosophy offers the possibility of determining the role of the mind in processes of becoming a subject without abandoning the achievements of the poststructuralist concept of subjectification. The concept of transaction describes how actors constitute each other as subjects within social situations. The relationships that arise through such processes depend, among other things, on the personalities of those people involved. Accordingly, it is possible to identify the responsibility of individuals to govern their social relations and personality development. Since these aspects can only be determined in localised individual cases, this offers a particularly suitable starting point for geographical critic.


Author(s):  
G.K. Atabayeva ◽  
◽  
G.O. Abdikerova ◽  

Trust is the basis of self-knowledge and the realization of a person in a complex system of social relations. Therefore, it is necessary that all people understand the essence of this phenomenon. The purpose of the study is to reveal the potentials of trust as a social phenomenon, and to substantiate its role in improving the quality of social relations in Kazakhstani society. The main problem is the insufficiently high level of trust among people in the interpersonal and institutional aspects. Problems arise due to the low level of development of civic values, and the emergence of behavioral patterns that do not comply with the social norms of civil society. Trusting relationships between social actors can develop by improving the basic aspects of successful socialization in the process of creating a competitive nation, such as education, healthcare, culture and social Security. The main tasks of the problem under study are directly related to the disclosure of the essence of social trust, its role in harmonizing social and social relations, in improving the social capital of modern Kazakhstan. Studies of foreign and domestic scientists allow us to understand the conceptual foundations of trust, the interaction strategy of social groups, the prospects for the development of civil society, as well as the features and specifics of the social capital of modern societies, models of civil behavior of the population. Trust plays an important role in building a civil society, is its main institution, as well as the main component of social capital and effective social relations. Today, quality information is reflected in the human mind and affects its social behavior. Therefore, great attention must be paid to the quality of the information provided, and their usefulness to citizens. Types of trust are also characterized by the quality of social relations. The study of trust in modern society is primarily due to the need to disclose its potential resources; secondly, the substantiation of its important role as a structural element of interpersonal and institutional social relations of a particular society. The need to reduce poverty growth in society, distrust and social risks are important challenges facing modern societies


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Bruff ◽  
Matthias Ebenau

This introduction to the special issue focuses on the rise to dominance in debates on capitalist diversity of approaches which take institutions as their starting point, rather than the wider social relations in which institutions sit and are constituted by. However, although this is part of broader trends across the social sciences over the last three decades, the self-marginalisation of critical political economy perspectives from these debates was also a factor, as was the declining dialogue between critical political economy researchers rooted in different geographical and philosophical traditions. Echoing the influence on the emergent Conference of Socialist Economists of German-language debates on the state in the 1970s, we call for renewed dialogue between researchers from different linguistic and intellectual backgrounds in the name of a renewed critique of dominant comparative capitalisms (CC) approaches. In so doing, we emphasise the range of alternative perspectives that can be offered through such dialogues and critiques, and thus the significant potential for further collaboration and advances in our understanding of capitalist diversity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 326-347
Author(s):  
George Hristov

AbstractIn the article I argue that Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari construct two distinct political paths toward immanence. Both of these paths have as their starting point Rousseau’s bourgeois. I show that both thinkers follow Rousseau in his attempt to construct political immanence and abandon the position of private man. However, in doing so they move in opposite directions. Hegel seeks to convert the bourgeois into the citizen, with the intention of reformulating the immanence of state-life presented in the The Social Contract by extending mutual recognition a distinct space in the form of civil society. In contrast Deleuze/Guattari move in the direction of becoming-animal along the lines of the Discourse on Inequality, by reformulating the relationship between life and society. At the same time, I argue that the overcoming of the problems that Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari identified in Rousseau introduces new ones and that the dangers inherent in the project of immanence cannot disappear.


Kulturstudier ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Brigitte Dragsted ◽  
Mette Marie Kristensen ◽  
Tjanna Liv Pauli ◽  
Anja Steinmejer ◽  
Sofie Nielsen ◽  
...  

<span style="font-family: MeliorLTCE; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: MeliorLTCE; font-size: x-small;"><p>The article investigates the implementation of the workplace health project ‘Body and Bureau’ at the Department of Development at the Copenhagen University Hospital. The project attempted to intervene with the daily routines of staff members, who were believed to be bodily inactive while performing their daily tasks. In seeking to add movement and exercise to the daily routines of staff members, ‘Body &amp; Bureau’ was understood to promote a new pattern of behaviour in the office that would help avoiding life style conditions such as overweight, hypertension, pre-diabetes and increased levels of cholesterol, generally considered to expose office workers to increased risks of poor health. The article addresses the ways in which the bodies of staff members were objectified by the project and the ways in which it influenced their everyday lives, and how it became a catalyst for new modalities of social relations within the office. Subsequent to individual health tests being performed, a number of staff members were classified as being overweight, which led them to form what they ironically dubbed ‘The Group of</p></span></span><span style="font-family: MeliorLTCE; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: MeliorLTCE; font-size: x-small;">Mourners’ in order to cope with their sense of sadness. About one month later, however, the group decided to become ‘The Group of Enthusiasts’, thereby taking on the tasks of changing the way they perceived of themselves and developing into an exercise support group. While the project had set out to promote movement as integral to the work routines, which was set against an undesirable notion of exercise for its own sake, the staff members ended up by pursuing the latter rather than the former. While the authors acknowledge the importance of tracing how bodies become objects of political power in the Foucauldian sense, they underscore that the nitty-gritty details of how projects play out in local social worlds such as the Development Department will eventually shape the trajectory of the intervention. Taking their cue from anthropologists Nancy Schepher-Hughes and Margaret Lock, the authors argue that a good starting point for the analysis of how a bodily objectifying project like that of ‘Body &amp; Bureau’ intervenes in the social reality of an office is to pay equal attention to the political body, the individual body, and the social body. Similarly, these three perspectives on the body are used to explain how the state sponsored intervention politicizes the body of office workers, which leads to the testing and measuring of individual bodies, which finally becomes a collectivizing moment for staff members, because they eventually chose to socialize around their common condition of overweight, thereby producing new ways of relation in the office. The article thus concludes that although political power is definitely exercised in health promotion schemes, it is important not to forget the agency exercised by the people who make up the objects of such intervention.</span></span>


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