scholarly journals O sociologické imaginaci

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomáš Kobes

This article discusses the controversy of the sociological imagination as it was developed by Charles Wright Mills and its relevance for the current epistemology of social science. His notion of the sociological imagination has several problems due to the unreflected general prejudice distinguishing between structure and subjectivity, which creates from sociology a kind of social metaphysics. As a result, social context is conceptualised as an unproblematic domain used for the rationalisation of an actor’s behaviour and knowledge, and the sociological imagination gives the sociologist an absolute critical position which situates him paradoxically in the name of justice and freedom against humanity.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Sandro Serpa ◽  
Carlos Miguel Ferreira

The concept of sociological imagination, originally proposed by Charles Wright Mill, is a classic of Sociology. This paper aims to present and discuss the sociological imagination projecting its heuristic capacity in contemporary society, in which the digital is a novelty vis-a-vis the original social context that shaped this proposal. The results of this analysis allow concluding that there are some contemporary challenges to be considered in this crucial analytical proposal in Sociology.


Author(s):  
Laura Bisaillon ◽  
Mehdia Hassan ◽  
Maryam Hassan

There is a doggedly persistent, pervasive, and pernicious tendency to individualize ratherthan socialize problems. This is a discernable pattern that we see all around us,independent of any one particular social context. This collaboratively produced article isan example of and commitment to feminist praxis. We intentionally mobilize the “toolsof social science, friendship, and the power of conversation” (Mountz, 2016) to bring tolife ideas that Mehdia experienced for the first time in Laura’s undergraduate classroom.Specifically, she and fellow classmates, along with Maryam, learned how to cultivate andemploy their “sociological imagination” (Mills, 1959, 2000); connecting aspects ofbiography with materially arising social conditions. The aim of such inquiry is togenerate new insights and critically minded, contextually situated, and empiricallysupported explications for how things happen for and around us in the world we inhabit.In doing so, we are able to “sociologically reimagine” analysis by using visual modes ofinquiry and intentional “interdisciplinary entanglement” to blur the boundaries betweentraditional and so-called non-traditional modes of knowledge making (Jungnickel &Hjorth, 2014). We argue that the time is absolutely upon us to “commit sociology,”[1]and we offer this article as an intervention that does just this. [1] As per https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9yT9dhHsKwc


Author(s):  
Albert J. Simard

Understanding the social context of an organization is a precursor to managing tacit knowledge. This chapter describes a three-dimensional social-context framework comprising factors, trust, and manageability. Factors are underlying characteristics - situation, interaction, and scale - that affect all aspects of the social structure. Trust classifies criteria that affect trust at individual, group, and organizational levels. Manageability lists methods of enhancing indicators for each social context criteria. The framework is based on patterns and clusters of 1200 terms found in a survey of the social-science literature related to social structures. The framework is presented in a format that facilitates prioritizing the most important criteria for an organization to focus on. Understanding how social context affects organizations will greatly facilitate tacit knowledge management.


Author(s):  
Rajeev Bhargava

Methodological individualists such as Mill, Weber, Schumpeter, Popper, Hayek and Elster argue that all social facts must be explained wholly and exhaustively in terms of the actions, beliefs and desires of individuals. On the other hand, methodological holists, such as Durkheim and Marx, tend in their explanations to bypass individual action. Within this debate, better arguments exist for the view that explanations of social phenomena without the beliefs and desires of agents are deficient. If this is so, individualists appear to have a distinct edge over their adversaries. Indeed, a consensus exists among philosophers and social scientists that holism is implausible or false and individualism, when carefully formulated, is trivially true. Holists challenge this consensus by first arguing that caricatured formulations of holism that ignore human action must be set aside. They then ask us to re-examine the nature of human action. Action is distinguished from mere behaviour by its intentional character. This much is uncontested between individualists and holists. But against the individualist contention that intentions exist as only psychological states in the heads of individuals, the holist argues that they also lie directly embedded in irreducible social practices, and that the identification of any intention is impossible without examining the social context within which agents think and act. Holists find nothing wrong with the need to unravel the motivations of individuals, but they contend that these motivations cannot be individuated without appeal to the wider beliefs and practices of the community. For instance, the acquiescence of oppressed workers may take the form not of total submission but subtle negotiation that yields them sub-optimal benefits. Insensitivity to social context may blind us to this. Besides, it is not a matter of individual beliefs and preferences that this strategy is adopted. That decisions are taken by subtle strategies of negotiation rather than by explicit bargaining, deployment of force or use of high moral principles is a matter of social practice irreducible to the conscious action of individuals. Two conclusions follow if the holist claim is true. First, that a reference to a social entity is inescapable even when social facts are explained in terms of individual actions, because of the necessary presence of a social ingredient in all individual intentions and actions. Second, a reference to individual actions is not even necessary when social facts are explained or understood in terms of social practices. Thus, the individualist view that explanation in social science must rely wholly and exhaustively on individual entities is hotly contested and is not as uncontroversial or trivial as it appears.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 447-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAËL BAUWENS

AbstractThe recent economic crisis has re-ignited the debate over the institution of fractional reserve banking (FRB) and its possible adverse economic effects. This paper brings a so far neglected aspect of the problem to the table, namely social ontology. After addressing the scope of social ontology in relation to social metaphysics, social science and FRB, a general ontological framework for money and banking is sketched and applied to the debate between Austrian opponents and proponents of FRB. It shows that the oppositions reflect metaphysical and ontological positions on the reality of powers and dispositions, namely that a realist position in the metaphysics of powers and dispositions tends to a critical position toward FRB, whereas a sceptical position on powers and dispositions leads to a favorable position toward FRB. A final section gives further examples of how these ontological presuppositions shape other arguments in the debate.


Society ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Biehl

AbstractThe car is one of the few luxury items that historically is widely accepted in Germany, the land of “discreet consumption.” This contribution draws on social science research, includes writings on popular culture, and presents examples from people and their cars in the media that give evidence of how luxury is increasingly emotionally charged, enriched, and negotiated. Cars were status symbols in Germany as a divided nation, with people in West Germany driving a Mercedes and people in the East driving a Trabant. Today, German rappers praise their “sick” cars, and paradox 'Bio-Germans' shield their luxury body in an expensive SUV. These examples illustrate luxury consumption that aesthetically and narratively links identities to cultural heritage. The media discourse reflects the symbolic and also the increasingly affective nature of luxury, while healthy “luxury” bodies remain in a competition for limited resources in a social context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Saunders

Metaphysics has undergone two major innovations in recent decades. First, naturalistic metaphysicians have argued that our best science provides an important source of evidence for metaphysical theories. Second, social metaphysicians have begun to explore the nature of social entities such as groups, institutions, and social categories. Surprisingly, these projects have largely kept their distance from one another. Katherine Hawley has recently argued that, unlike the natural sciences, the social sciences are not sufficiently successful to provide evidence about the metaphysical nature of social entities. By contrast, I defend an optimistic view of naturalistic social metaphysics. Drawing on a case study of research into contextual effects in social epidemiology, I show that social science can provide a valuable evidence for social metaphysicians.


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