Interest Groups: Opportunity Structures and Governance Capacity

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Eising
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Policy Cycle ◽  
Business Associations ◽  
Governance Capacity ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
The Eu

This chapter looks at continuity and change among German interest groups and patterns of interest intermediation in the context of European integration. In other words, it analyses the Europeanization of interest intermediation. While several analysts regard the degree of fit between the EU and the German mode of interest intermediation as a decisive influence on the responses of these groups to European integration, it is argued that it is mainly organizational capacities that explain interest group strategies in the EU multi-level system. The argument is tested in the following steps. First, the chapter provides an overview of the EU and the German systems of interest groups, of the prevalent modes of interest intermediation, and of associational self-regulation at both levels. Based on survey data of German, British, French, and EU business associations, as well as large firms, the general strategies of German interest groups in the EU are outlined. Next, a cluster analysis serves to distinguish five types of interest groups according to their access to political institutions, their access to information from these institutions, and their political activities during the policy cycle: niche organizations, occasional (national) players, (national) traditionalists, EU players, and multilevel players. The results confirm the implications of the ‘capacity’ hypothesis: in general, the changes in the institutional opportunity structure have not led to a major reshuffling of the domestic power structure or to a transformation of the weakly corporatist mode of interest intermediation in Germany.

5. Governance Approaches

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters ◽  
Jon Pierre
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Multilevel Governance ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Governance Capacity ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Eu Governance ◽  
European Governance ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the European Union’s capacity to govern effectively. It argues that the creation of governance capacity for the institutions within the EU is the goal of much of the process of integration. While European integration is to some extent an end in itself, it may also be the means for attaining the capacity to govern a large territory with complex economic and social structures. The chapter first explains what governance is before discussing various criticisms levelled against it and how governance works in Europe. It then outlines a number of propositions about European governance, focusing on multilevel governance, the role of governance in output legitimization, and the claim that European governance remains undemocratic, is highly segmented, and is transforming. The chapter proceeds by looking at changes in European governance styles and policy issues, along with their implications for European integration. Finally, it explores the consequences of enlargement for EU governance.

Switzerland and European Integration

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive H. Church
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Trade Association ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
European Economic Area ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Mass Migration ◽  
The Eu

Despite its economic importance, Switzerland is surprisingly little studied. Hence it can be misunderstood. For many, it seems to have a successful relationship with the European Union (EU). In reality, Europe has become a problematic issue for the Swiss. Swiss policy has been reactive and largely driven by a conflict between pragmatic Swiss, inspired by traditional views of the needs of a neutral and federal country, and a growing body of populist Europhobes. The former are, doubtful about the “European idea” but know that a price has to be paid for vital economic advantages. The latter detest the EU and want little involvement with it, regarding political independence as more important than economic gains. The conflict between the two views can be bitter, and destabilizing. Because of this, the key aim of Swiss policy has been to achieve some kind of third way, combining nonmembership with deep economic integration. Achieving this has become increasingly difficult despite the country’s central geographical and cultural position. This means transport links and population movements are important elements in Swiss relationships with the EU, alongside its economic and legislative involvement. Yet, at the same time, Switzerland has preserved a notable detachment from Europe’s political institutions. Swiss relations with the EU have been evolving since 1945. The present difficulties are merely the latest, as well as perhaps the most challenging, phase of a long-standing encounter with Europe. There have been four phases in Swiss postwar relations with European integration. Initially, there was considerable reluctance to get involved, but, after some hesitation, the country entered the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and secured a free trade deal with the European Community (EC). This worked well, bringing Switzerland into what the Swiss liked to see as quasi-membership. This began to change in the mid-1980s, when Swiss needs and EC change led to a second phase, of seeking a deeper relationship. This led to the European Economic Area (EEA) negotiations and, when this was judged to be insufficient by the government, to a membership application. The defeat of the EEA proposal on December 6, 1992, by an emerging populist force unleashed increasing contestation over Europe. It also forced the country into a third phase of seeking bilateral makeweights for exclusion from the EEA. By the early years of the new century, this led to the present situation, which is more complicated than is often realized and is driven by indirect Europeanization. At the same time, the bilateral approach became both popular with a majority and increasingly contested on the right. Moreover, a fourth phase has seen bilateralism increasingly contested by the EU as well, causing a long-drawn-out impasse. This was partly because the “Stop Mass Migration” initiative of February 9, 2014, threatened to undermine the existing bilaterals. A solution to this problem was found by the parliament in late 2017, but further problems appeared as, in December 2018, the country found itself apparently being asked to decide about accepting a framework agreement to regularize its sprawling range of EU deals. Given its internal divisions, this may not be possible, so the fourth phase could well persist. In any case, Europe is likely to remain a major source of profit and pain for Switzerland.

Is homo oeconomicus an extinct species, and does it matter for EUropean integration? Attitudes towards free trade and populism

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-264
Author(s):  
Bogna Gawroska-Nowak
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Nobel Prize Winner ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Homo Oeconomicus ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
The Eu

The latest Nobel Prize winner in economics, Richard Thaler, was rewarded 'for his contributions to behavioural economics'. Thaler and Sustain claim that there are 'nudges', not pure rationality, that drive people decision-making processes. A 2017 CEPR report reveals that economic factors do matter with regards to trust in the political institutions of the EU but they do not play the main role. Therefore, it seems quite natural to ask: what is an explanatory power of economics in grasping the recent social behaviour dynamics, including the European integration processes and actual rise of radicalism and populism? Can economics contribute to a better understanding of those issues and can it come up with some practical solutions? To answer these questions I explore both theoretical backgrounds in economics and some empirical studies. I also refer to the results of my recent research on the Polish social perception of free trade agreements. I investigate how much the limits of EUrope are related to the limits of economics.

European Integration of Postcommunist States: Safe Future or Evolutionary Trap?

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liutauras Gudinskas
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Evolutionary Trap ◽  
Internal Logic ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Further Development ◽  
Postcommunist Transformation ◽  
The Eu

The article discusses the complexities of postcommunist transformation of Central and Eastern European states and their further development in the European Union. First of all, the author considers the phenomenon of postcommunist transformation, its internal logic and causes that determined different paths of postcommunist countries' development. Later the attention is focused on the development of postcommunist states that have entered the EU. The most important challenges for these countries that have chosen the path of European integration are singled out. It is evaluated how these challenges have been dealt with since the entry to the EU. Although the main focus of article is the whole region, the situation of Lithuania is analyzed in more detail. Judging from the present trends, one may conclude that the latter country (along with some other postcommunist EU member states) may remain in an economic periphery of Europe distinguished by political instability, distrust of political institutions and increasing "social deficit."

Lobbying in de Europese Unie : Is er nog toekomst voor nationale belangengroepen ?

Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 673-696
Author(s):  
Pieter Bouwen
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Financial Services ◽  
Financial Integration ◽  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Integration Theory ◽  
Business Associations ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
National Business ◽  
Gain Access ◽  
The Eu

This article studies the lobbying strategies of national business associations against the background of increasing Europeanization. It addresses the question whether national associations have withered away during the process of European integration. On the basis of neo-functionalist integration theory and the multi-level governance (MLG) perspective, a number of hypotheses are generated about the fate of national associations in the European integration process. An extensive empirica[ study of the EU financial services sector analyzes these hypotheses. The data show that European financial integration has not caused the withering away of national business associations as predicted by neofunctionalist theory. The data not only confirm the MLG hypothesis that national associations develop direct lobbying strategies at different levels of the EU multi-level system in order to gain access to the European decision-making process. In addition, the results also confirm the hypothesis that national associations undertake indirect lobbying strategies (through membership in European associations) with the aim of gaining institutional access. Finally, the degree to which national associations gain access to the European institutions is explained in terms of a theory of supply and demand for access goods.

Dialectical functionalism: stagnation as a booster of European integration

1995 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorette Corbey
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Area ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Stop And Go ◽  
The Eu

Theories of integration fail to explain the stop-and-go nature of European integration. This failures stems from their one-sided attention to either the member states or the institutions of the European Union (EU). The process of integration is best described as one of action and reaction, involving the institutions of the EU, member states, and interest groups. Governments respond to European integration in one policy area by intervening more in adjacent areas, thus inducing policy competition between national states. When their rivalry becomes counterproductive, member states will be motivated to take new steps toward further integration. This interpretation explains the stop-and-go rhythm of European integration and results in a new theoretical framework termed ‘dialectical functionalism.’

scholarly journals The Institutional Dynamics of International Political Orders

1998 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-969 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G. March ◽  
Johan P. Olsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Multiple Equilibria ◽  
The Other ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Institutional Dynamics ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Path Dependent ◽  
The One

The history of international political orders is written in terms of continuity and change in domestic and international political relations. As a step toward understanding such continuity and change, we explore some ideas drawn from an institutional perspective. An institutional perspective is characterized in terms of two grand issues that divide students of international relations and other organized systems. The first issue concerns the basic logic of action by which human behavior is shaped. On the one side are those who see action as driven by a logic of anticipated consequences and prior preferences. On the other side are those who see action as driven by a logic of appropriateness and a sense of identity. The second issue concerns the efficiency of history. On the one side are those who see history as efficient in the sense that it follows a course leading to a unique equilibrium dictated by exogenously determined interests, identities, and resources. On the other side are those who see history as inefficient in the sense that it follows a meandering, path-dependent course distinguished by multiple equilibria and endogenous transformations of interests, identities, and resources. We argue that the tendency of students of international political order to emphasize efficient histories and consequential bases for action leads them to underestimate the significance of rule- and identity-based action and inefficient histories. We illustrate such an institutional perspective by considering some features of the coevolution of politics and institutions, particularly the ways in which engagement in political activities affects the definition and elaboration of political identities and the development of competence in politics and the capabilities of political institutions.

13. Interest Groups and the European Union

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Eising
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Group Structures ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the role of interest groups in European Union politics. The formation and behaviour of interest groups are influenced by the political opportunity structure formed by the EU and other political institutions. The EU's institutional setting (its dynamic political agenda, its complexity and multilevel character, and its reliance on consensus) shapes the interest group system and interest mediation within the EU. After providing an overview of the relationship between EU institutions and interest groups, the chapter considers how the EU institutions influence interest group structures and activities. In particular, it describes the difference between national and EU organizations, and between business and diffuse interests. It also discusses the Europeanization of interest mediation and how EU membership may have altered the structures and activities of domestic interest groups.

European Integration

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
History Of ◽  
External Conditions ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
The Eu

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.

THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL UNDERSTANDING OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY OF UKRAINE: THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ASPECT

2020 ◽  
pp. 102-105
Author(s):  
A. A. Prykhodko
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
European Integration ◽  
International Standards ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Third World Country ◽  
Broad Interpretation ◽  
Enforcement Activity ◽  
Cross Border Cooperation ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the theoretical and practical aspects of the anti-corruption policy of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Considered that corruption has long been perceived in the EU as a negative phenomenon requiring systematic, strategic and concerted action of a transboundary and transnational character and, in general, a threat to the rule of law. The author concluded that Ukraine will continue to be perceived by a third world country as long as anti-corruption measures are duplicated from one strategic document to another. The anti-corruption strategy of Ukraine should be an early, strategic and systematic tool for the eradication of corruption and the formation of public justice in the context of zero tolerance for such phenomena. Now this is a set of normatively fixed declarative slogans that are consistent with international standards, but are not achievable in practical terms due to the lack of state strategic planning in advance. The new anti-corruption strategy must necessarily include a broad interpretation of all the concepts used in it, including the term “anti-corruption policy”. Taking into account the recommendations of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, the author’s vision of the term “anti-corruption policy” has been formed, as a set of principles, tasks, goals and principles of implementation of law-making and law-enforcement activity of public administration within the protection of human and civil rights and freedoms a state implemented by a system of methods, means and measures to combat corruption in priority areas and in accordance with anti-corruption standards and on the basis of transnational national and cross-border cooperation.

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