Foreign and Security Policy: On the Cusp Between Transformation and Accommodation

Author(s):  
Alister Miskimmon ◽  
William E. Paterson

Foreign and security policy-making within Germany represents a singular policy area. From its inception it emerged into an already existing multilateral framework under the conditions of semi-sovereignty. In addition, this policy area is dominated within Germany by a comparatively small number of policy élites, with little or no sectoral interests outside that of central government to push for increased co-operation. Nonetheless, central to this chapter is the question of why there has not thus far been a far-reaching Europeanization of policy, despite Germany's apparent deep commitment to European integration and EU foreign and security policy co-ordination. German foreign and security policy finds itself on the cusp between accommodation and transformation and has not progressed further as a result of internal and external factors that continue to define German security policy as a distinctive case.

2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-27
Author(s):  
Goran Nikolic

The most important part of the economic cooperation between Serbia and the EU, in addition to the inflow of foreign direct investments, loans, remittances (and donations), which predominantly come from the EU countries, is the exchange of goods and services. From 2000 there has been significant growth of trade between Serbia and the EU; merchandise exports and imports increased at double-digit rates over the past 16 and half years. In the same period, the share of EU in Serbian trade has not significantly changed, except for the effects of the three EU enlargement (2004, 2007, 2013), and is almost two-thirds. Having in mind that the countries of CEFTA, excluding Moldova, is likely to join the EU in the next decade, it is clear that the importance of trade with the EU would increase, at least nominally. In the last European Commission staff working document (2016) for Serbia is emphasized that the new government programme included Serbia's EU accession as a priority goal. Besides that, Serbia is only moderately prepared in the area of public administration reform. According to this report, Serbia will need to align its foreign and security policy progressively with the European Union's common foreign and security policy in the period up to accession. The EU is a key strategic partner of Serbia because of its huge global economic, technological and political significance. The EU is not just a very important partner, it is, in a way, a reference point for Serbia, as the modernization of the country, which is a natural priority for Serbian elites, is virtually inseparable from European integration and full membership in the EU.


Author(s):  
Helen Wallace ◽  
Mark A. Pollack ◽  
Alasdair R. Young

This text examines the processes that produce policies in the European Union — that is, the decisions (or non-decisions) by EU public authorities facing choices between alternative courses of public action. It considers the broad contours of the EU policy-making process and relevant analytical approaches for understanding that process. It includes case studies dealing with the main policy domains in which the EU dimension is significant, including competition policy, the common agricultural policy (CAP), the economic and monetary union (EMU), enlargement, common foreign and security policy (CFSP), justice and home affairs (JHA), and energy and social policy. This chapter discusses the significant developments that have impacted EU policy-making since the sixth edition, summarizes the text’s collective approach to understanding policy-making in the EU, and provides an overview of the chapters that follow.


IG ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-133
Author(s):  
Daniel Schade

The Interparliamentary Conference for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy (IPC) is a new parliamentary body set up after the Treaty of Lisbon which allows to create interlinkages between parliaments in the European Union (EU). It is part of an ongoing process which aims to challenge the executive dominance in EU policy-making in general and in the EU’s foreign and security policy in particular. Considering its sessions and the experiences of members of parliaments partaking in the Interparliamentary Conference to date, this article analyses its value-added to this overarching goal. The experiences so far suggest that the IPC faces significant practical challenges in contributing to the parliamentary scrutiny of the policy areas concerned despite the fact that the format of interparliamentary gatherings is a significant innovation in its own right. These challenges arise primarily out of a conflict between the European Parliament and national parliaments in the EU, the diversity of national parliamentarism, as well as the differing moti⁠v­a⁠tions and skills of the participating members of parliaments.


2020 ◽  
pp. 803-821
Author(s):  
Andrii Hrubinko

The article presents the research findings on a set of challenges and threats to the national and international order that have arisen as a result of Brexit. As far as the author is concerned, Brexit has not only a significant conflict-generating impact on British realities but also causes tremendous challenges and threats to international security. The means of preventing and addressing these challenges are far from obvious and are yet to be fully developed. Most of the challenges, just like the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, have a negative impact on Ukraine’s international status and prospects in the global arena, particularly with regard to European integration and counter the Russian aggression. The regional, or all-European, implications of Brexit are manifested in rising Euroskepticism, pervasive disintegration (nationalist) sentiments in EU member states, heavy image losses of European integration in general and the EU in particular as its principal outcome, weakened abilities of the EU in the strategically important sphere of foreign and security policy, the slowdown in the fundamental process of EU enlargement, and a significant realignment of political forces in the union. The global implications of Brexit consist in the EU’s weakened international standing, the enhanced process of reviewing EU-US relations, a new, almost unprecedented, technological level of information propaganda, and a rapprochement of the EU and Russia. The historical and modern trends analysed permit a preliminary conclusion on who will ultimately benefit most from the completion of Brexit and the UK’s permanent withdrawal from the EU, which has become a part of the regional and global struggle for influence in international relations. Keywords: Brexit, Great Britain, European Union, European integration, conflict-generating potential, international relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nursan ◽  
Aeko Fria Utama FR

One of the efforts to develop village economic in West Sumbawa Regency is to establish and develop Village Owned Enterprise (Bumdes) based on agriculture. The purpose of this research is to find out internal and external factors of Bumdes based on agriculture; and formulating strategies for developing Bumdes based on agriculture in West Sumbawa Regency. This research was conducted in West Sumbawa Regency. 40 respondents were selected by purposive sampling. This research method is survey method. The instrument validity test was carried out with the Pearson Product Moment correlation technique, and for the reliability test with the Cronbach Alpha formula. Data collected were analysed using SWOT analysis. The results show that internal factors in the form of the main strength of Bumdes based on agriculture is the business managed by Bumdes serving the basic needs of community, while the main weakness is the capacity of managers managing Bumdes still lacking, and the absence of marketing networks. For external factors, the main opportunities of Bumdes based on agriculture are the support of local and central government regulations, the area and potential of agriculture can be developed optimally as well as the development and expansion of agricultural businesse, while the main threats of Bumdes are the lack of community participation in Bumdes activities. Results of  SWOT analysis, the strategy Bumdes based on agriculture in West Sumbawa Regency can be done using the W-O (Weakness-opportunity) strategy, which is a strategy that minimizes the weaknesses that are owned to seize opportunities. Keywords: Analysis. SWOT, Agriculture, Development Strategy, Village Owned Enterprise, West Sumbawa Regency


2020 ◽  

How can the new dynamic in European integration politics during the second half of the 1980’s be explained? What were the driving forces behind the Single European Act, the achievement of the Single Market, the Schengen agreement, the EC’s expansion to the south, and the new steps towards Monetary Union and the Common Foreign and Security Policy? In this book, using numerous discoveries from the archives, historians from 12 countries show how the European Community reacted to the challenges of globalisation and the reform initiatives by Mikhail Gorbachev. In doing so, they write a new chapter in the history of European integration: the emergence of the European Union. With contributions by Marta Alorda, Andrea Brait, Frédéric Bozo, Eric Bussière, Deborah Cuccia, Alice Cunha, Anjo G. Harryvan, Michael Gehler, Gilles Grin, Maria Eleonora Guasconi, Georg Kreis, Wilfried Loth, Marco Lovec, N. Piers Ludlow, Simone Paoli, Nicolae Paun, Kiran Klaus Patel, Daniela Preda, Frederike Schotters, Jasper Trautsch, Jan van der Harst, Laurent Warlouzet


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rory Cormac

The United Kingdom has long engaged in covert action. It continues to do so today. Owing to the secrecy involved, however, such activity has consistently been excluded from debates about Britain’s global role, foreign and security policy and military planning: an important lacuna given the controversy, risk, appeal and frequency of covert action. Examining when, how and why covert action is used, this article argues that contemporary covert action has emerged from, and is shaped by, a specific context. First, a gap exists between Britain’s perceived global responsibilities and its actual capabilities; policy elites see covert action as able to resolve, or at least conceal, this. Second, intelligence agencies can shape events proactively, especially at the tactical level, while flexible preventative operations are deemed well suited to the range of fluid threats currently faced. Third, existing Whitehall machinery makes covert action viable. However, current covert action is smaller scale and less provocative today than in the early Cold War; it revolves around ‘disruption’ operations. Despite being absent from the accompanying debates, this role was recognised in the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review, which placed intelligence actors at the heart of British thinking.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anamika Asthana ◽  
Happymon Jacob

This study examines the role of sub-national diplomacy in India with respect to four neighboring countries – Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and China – and assesses the nature and consequences of such interactions for immediate policy shifts and in wider institutional terms. Except for five states – Haryana, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh and Telengana – all other states in India have international land or maritime borders which make a study of this nature very pertinent. This study focuses on those states that have been more inclined to engage in India’s foreign and security policy making.


Modern Italy ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ludovica Marchi Balossi-Restelli

This article focuses on Italian foreign and security policy (IFSP). It looks at three examples of the country's policy-making which reveal its poor results as a security provider, namely: Italy's tardy reaction to the violence in Libya in 2011, its prompt reaction to the Lebanon crisis in 2006, and its efforts to be included in the diplomatic directorate, the P5 + 1, approaching relations with Iran in 2009. The article considers whether government action has bolstered the reliability of IFSP and also discusses the country's FSP in terms of its basic differences from that of its partners in the European Union, France, Britain and Germany, envisaging how Italy could react to build more credibility. Italy's policy is observed through a three-pronged analytical framework enriched by concepts of the logic of expected consequences. The article concludes that IFSP is predictable, but it must still reveal that it is reliable, and explains why this is the case.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document