scholarly journals THE VISEGRAD GROUP AND THE BALTIC ASSEMBLY: COALITIONS WITHIN THE EU AS SEEN THROUGH RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY

Baltic Region ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-41
Author(s):  
Vladimir A. Olenchenko ◽  
Nikolay M. Mezhevich
Keyword(s):  
Comparison Method ◽  
Doing Business ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The One ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Business As Usual ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Comparative Description ◽  
The Eu

Today Russia has difficulty doing business-as-usual with EU states. It seems that the countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) and the Baltic Assembly/Baltic Council of Ministers (BA/BСM) have contributed substantially to this state of affairs. Overall, the tensions between Russia and the EU are building up — another tendency that did not arise on the Russian initiative. This article aims to address the question of whether Russia should establish direct relations with the V4 and the BA/BCM as tools to overcome the mentioned difficulties. On the one hand, these associations date back to before the countries acceded to the Union. On the other, they are products of regionalisation in the EU. In answering this question, we achieve three objectives. Firstly, we look for an appropriate theoretical and methodological framework for the study. Secondly, we produce a comparative description of the V4 and the BA/BCM. Thirdly, we examine the capacity of these associations to pursue an independent foreign and domestic policy. This study uses a comparison method to analyse the activities of the two organisations and identify their significance for the EU.

The Making of a President: The European Parliament and the Confirmation of Jacques Santer as President of the Commission

1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hix ◽  
Christopher Lord
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Shared Meanings ◽  
Single European Act ◽  
The One ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Eu

THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT AND THE MAASTRICHT TREATY attempted to balance two principles of representation in their redesign of the institutional structures of the European Union: the one, based on the indirect representation of publics through nationally elected governments in the European Council and Council of Ministers; the other, based on the direct representation of publics through a more powerful European Parliament. There is much to be said for this balance, for neither of the two principles can, on its own, be an adequate solution at this stage in the development of the EU. The Council suffers from a non-transparent style of decision-making and is, in the view of many, closer to oligarchic than to democratic politics. On the other hand, the claims of the European Parliament to represent public sentiments on European integration are limited by low voter participation, the second-order nature of European elections and the still Protean nature of what we might call a transnational European demos. The EU lacks a single public arena of political debate, communications and shared meanings; of partisan aggregation and political entrepreneurship; and of high and even acceptance, across issues and member states, that it is European and not national majority views which should count in collective rule-making.

scholarly journals Not Just Business as Usual in the EU: A Comprehensive Analysis of Immigration and Tax Issues Related to Business Trips in 17 Schengen Countries

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Marco Mazzeschi ◽  
Clayton E. Cartwright Jr.
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Work Permit ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Doing Business ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Business As Usual ◽  
The Eu ◽  
International Companies

This article undertakes a comparative analysis of doing business in the European Union’s Schengen Bloc vis-à-vis working in the Schengen Bloc. Through a critical review of what may constitute business activities vs. work in all 17 Schengen member states, the article establishes how international companies can minimize unintentional exposure to immigration noncompliance as well as possible tax liabilities. As the article observes, there is a general absence of a standard EU legal definition of ‘work’ vs. ‘business activities’ that international companies can apply when sending employees for business purposes to the Schengen Bloc. In the absence of specific criteria, the article outlines what characterizes business activities in 17 Schengen countries and then several international standards, which concerned parties can use a reference point. By examining various sources including EU, OECD and ILO frameworks, the article’s research indicates general terms of reference in distinguishing business activities from work, and how that distinction confers the need for a business visa or a work permit in the European Union’s Schengen Bloc.

scholarly journals Does Latvia Matter in Regional Geopolitics?

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Jeremy W. Lamoreaux ◽  
Nicholas Dyerly
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
The West ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Near Abroad ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

AbstractAs early as 1994, scholars, analysts and policymakers began to wonder the extent to which the Baltic States mattered in the relationship between Russia and the West. The general consensus for the following 20 years was that the Baltic States matter considerably, especially following their inclusion in both the EU and NATO in 2004. However, in the past few years two trends have emerged which begin to call this accepted knowledge into question. First, the relationship between Russia and the West has turned more hostile following nearly 20 years of detente. The West insists (especially NATO) insists that it is within its right to protect states that were formerly part of the Soviet Union/Russia’s “near abroad”. Russia, on the other hand, insists that NATO incursion into the “shared neighborhood” is a violation of trust and overstepping normal geopolitical bounds.Second, the Baltic States who once presented something of a united front for the West against Russia, no longer appear to have a common approach to foreign policy. While Estonia leans toward Scandinavia, and Lithuania leans toward Poland and Ukraine, Latvia is a bit of an odd man out with nowhere to turn. Furthermore, even other states in the Shared Neighborhood no longer seem to see Latvia as a valuable ally within the West. Considering this state of affairs, this paper considers whether Latvia matters anymore in regional geopolitics, or whether they are losing relevance.

THE EU SUGAR MARKET PROFILE AND ITS MAIN DRIVERS

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubos SMUTKA ◽  
Irena BENEŠOVÁ ◽  
Patrik ROVNÝ ◽  
Renata MATYSIK-PEJAS
Keyword(s):  
Market Failure ◽  
Current System ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Considerable Debate ◽  
Sugar Market ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
Production Capacities ◽  
The Given ◽  
The Eu

Sugar is one of the most important elements in human nutrition. The Common Market Organisation for sugar has been a subject of considerable debate since its establishment in 1968. The European agricultural market has been criticized for its heavy regulations and subsidization. The sugar market is one of the most regulated ones; however, this will change radically in 2017 when the current system of production quotas will end. The current EU sugar market changed is structure during the last several decades. The significant number of companies left the market and EU internal sugar market became more concentrated. The aim of this paper is presentation characteristics of sugar market with respect to the supposed market failure – reduction in competition. The analysis also identifies the main drivers and determinants of the EU especially quota sugar market. In relation to paper’s aim the following results are important. The present conditions of the European sugar market have led to market failure when nearly 75 % (10 million tonnes) of the quota is controlled by five multinational companies only. These multinational alliances (especially German and French one) are also taking control over the production capacities of their subsidiaries. In most countries, this causes serious problems as the given quota is controlled by one or two producers only. This is a significant indicator of market imperfection. The quota system cannot overcome the problem of production quotas on the one hand and the demand on the other; furthermore, it also leads to economic inefficiency. The current EU sugar market is under the control of only Sudzucker, Nordzucker, Pfeifer and Langen, Tereos and ABF.

A Study on Consumers’ Awareness on Goods and Services Tax

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
A. Hilary Joseph ◽  
D. Kanakavalli
Keyword(s):  
Tax Reform ◽  
Subsequent Stage ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Value Addition ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Late Night ◽  
Single Tax ◽  
Doing Business ◽  
Ease Of Doing Business ◽  
The One

The Goods and Services Tax (GST) -- India's biggest tax reform since independence formally launched in Parliament by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Pranab Mukherjee came into force after 17 tumultuous years of debate, unifying more than a dozen central and state levies.  The new tax regime was ushered at the late night of 30th June and came into force on 1st July 2017.  The one national GST unifies the country's USD 2 trillion economy and 1.3 billion people into a common market.  As commented by Mr.Modi, GST is not just tax reform but its economic reform. GST is a way forward in the ease of doing business.  In the language of law, it is called the goods and services tax, but the benefit of GST is really a Good and Simple Tax. Good because multiple taxes will be removed. Simple because it requires just one form and is easy to use.  GST is a single tax on the supply of goods and services, right from the manufacturer to the consumer.  Credits of input taxes paid at each stage will be available in the subsequent stage of value addition, which makes GST essentially a tax only on value addition at each stage. The final consumer will thus bear only the GST charged by the last dealer in the supply chain, with set-off benefits at all the previous stages.  It renders numerous benefits to different parties such as business and industry, central and state governments and the ultimate consumers.  An effort is made to understand the consumers’ awareness on Goods and Services Tax. Everything that is introduced will attract agitation and unrest among different group of people and they can easily be overcome by designing programmes to clarify the objections of renowned economists.  GST will sure to have success when the confidence of every individual Indian citizens have obtained.

scholarly journals Sustainability in the European Union: Analyzing the Discourse of the European Green Deal

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Eva Eckert ◽  
Oleksandra Kovalevska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Main Question ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Media ◽  
Institutional Power ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

In the European Union, the concern for sustainability has been legitimized by its politically and ecologically motivated discourse disseminated through recent policies of the European Commission and the local as well as international media. In the article, we question the very meaning of sustainability and examine the European Green Deal, the major political document issued by the EC in 2019. The main question pursued in the study is whether expectations verbalized in the Green Deal’s plans, programs, strategies, and developments hold up to the scrutiny of critical discourse analysis. We compare the Green Deal’s treatment of sustainability to how sustainability is presented in environmental and social science scholarship and point out that research, on the one hand, and the politically motivated discourse, on the other, do not correlate and often actually contradict each other. We conclude that sustainability discourse and its keywords, lexicon, and phraseology have become a channel through which political institutions in the EU such as the European Commission sideline crucial environmental issues and endorse their own presence. The Green Deal discourse shapes political and institutional power of the Commission and the EU.

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