scholarly journals The Terazije terrace as a development axis of the center of Belgrade

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-238
Author(s):  
Denis Ambruš

The main problem with urban planning of Belgrade's historical city centre lies within the area of the Terazije terrace, which has over the years changed its appearance. Architect Nikola Dobrović laid down its foundations in 1929 in his entry to an international competition. It is precisely this concept which paved the way for the area to be expanded as needed, and gradually to reach the Sava riverbank. Two types of construction would need to take precedence in order for Savska padina to have the uniqueness of the space and better view at Savska padina. The first type of construction is defined by horizontal texture of terraces and esplanades and the second with clusters of buildings and mega-structures concentrated in one zone only. In this way the right balance between the historical centre and the Sava riverbank would be struck, with the focus on Terazije and the Sava amphitheater and the future gravitation towards the Terazije terrace serving as the driving force of the city centre's development. In this scenario, the existing "barrier" between the development and integration is recognised as an instrument of urban planning. Regulating the area around the Terazije terrace as a model for the development of the city centre would in the best way contribute to its concretization and set a good example of spatial organisation, respecting the identity and the context of the city center.

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-671
Author(s):  
Nadja Weck

Like in many other provinces, during the Habsburg period, the main point of orientation for Galicia was Vienna. This also applies to architecture and urban development. Galicia’s technical elite applied the theoretical and practical experience it gathered in Vienna to the towns and cities of this northeastern Crown land. Ignacy Drexler, born in 1878 in the Austro-Hungarian Lemberg, was a representative of a new generation of engineers and architects who did not necessarily have to spend time in the imperial capital to earn their spurs. Increasingly, besides the more or less obligatory stay in Vienna, other European countries became points of reference. Drexler did not live to see the realization of important aspects of his comprehensive plan for the city, but his ideas and the data he compiled were indispensable for the future development of his hometown. They shape urban planning in Lviv to this day.


Belleten ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 76 (276) ◽  
pp. 385-402
Author(s):  
Murat Kılıç

The origins of the imperial cult in Smyrna date back to the Hellenistic period. It is a fact that political concerns were effective in the generation of such cults. Predicting the super power of the future and proving to be a loyal ally whilst acting in satisfactory behaviors were essential factors. The right preference made between two fighting or contending powers ensured that a city would benefit from various privileges in the future. For example, Symrna, which had established a cult in the city previously on behalf of Stratonice, the mother of Antiochus II of Seleucid dynasty, would do the same by building a temple in the name of the dty of Rome for the first time in Asia in 195 BC, after recognizing the rising power. Later on, while giving permission to the provinces that wanted to establish an imperial cult, the Roman emperors and the Senate would consider first, their relationships with Rome in the past and second, their origins. Smyrna, building its relationships with the Roman state on a solid basis, was granted the title of neokoros three times by the Roman Emperors Tiberius, Hadrianus and Caracalla, respectively. In this essay, the development of the Roman imperial cult in Smyrna is discussed within the historical process outlined above. An attempt has been made to put forth new opinions about the issue by discussing the academicians' evaluations on the imperial cult, which apparently was effectively executed in Smyrna between the first and third centuries AD, with the support of epigraphic and numismatic evidences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Bevz M ◽  

Ancient city fortifications are one of the specific types of defensive architecture. Along with the buildings of castles, blocks of urban residential development, monastery complexes and field defensive structures, they formed a special type of architectural and urban planning objects. During their construction, the skills of both an architect, builder, and military engineer were often combined. Not so many objects of urban defense architecture have come down to our time. Therefore, every fragment of the city's defensive walls and earthen fortifications preserved today, as a rule, is a valuable document of its era and needs careful protection and preservation. Urban fortifications (as opposed to fortifications of castles or fortresses) were the objects of priority liquidation in the process of urban development. There are very few of them preserved in Ukraine, so their preservation and study is a matter of extreme importance. Lviv is a unique city on the map of Ukraine in terms of the development of urban fortifications. The article analyzes the reflection of objects and monuments of defense construction in the scientific and design documentation "Historical and Architectural Reference Plan of the City of Lviv". Data on the stages of development of Lviv fortifications are highlighted. Special attention is paid to the remains of fortifications that have been preserved in the archaeological form. Their identification, conservation and identification is important task for modern urban development projects. The paper makes hypotheses about some hitherto unidentified elements of fortifications of the XVII-XVIII centuries. Special emphasis is placed on the need for a special scientific study on the detailed reconstruction of all stages of the development of defense belts around the city center and suburbs of Lviv


TERRITORIO ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 39-43
Author(s):  
Chiara Tornaghi

This paper presents an English case of urban agriculture, the Edible Public Space Project in Leeds, contextualised in a context of urban agriculture initiatives committed to social-environmental justice, to the reproduction of common goods and the promotion of an urban planning which promotes the right to food and to the construction of urban space from the bottom up. The case study emerged as the result of action-research at the crossroads between urban planning policies, community work and critical geography. As opposed to many similar initiatives, the Edible Public Space Project is not intended merely as a temporary initiative hidden within the tiny folds of the city, but rather as an experiment which imagines and implements alternatives to current forms of urban planning within those folds and it contextualises them in the light of the ecological, fi nancial and social crisis of the last decade.


Minerals ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anabela Cachada ◽  
Ana Dias ◽  
Amélia Reis ◽  
Eduardo Ferreira da Silva ◽  
Ruth Pereira ◽  
...  

Urban soils quality may be severely affected by polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) contamination, as is the case of Lisbon (Portugal). However, to conduct a risk assessment analysis in an urban area can be a very difficult task due to the patchy nature and heterogeneity of these soils. Thus, the present study aims to provide an example on how to perform the first tier of a risk assessment plan in the case of urban soils using a simpler, cost effective, and reliable framework. Thus, a study was conducted in Lisbon to assess the levels of PAH, their potential risks to the environment and human health, and to identify their major sources. Source apportionment was performed by studying PAHs profiles, their relationship with potentially toxic elements, and general characteristics of soil using multivariate statistical methods. Results showed that geostatistical tools are useful for evaluating the spatial distribution and major inputs of PAHs in urban soils, as well as to identify areas of potential concern, showing their usefulness in risk assessment analysis and urban planning. Particularly, the prediction maps obtained allowed for a clear identification of areas with the highest levels of PAHs (close to the airport and in the city center). The high concentrations found in soils from the city center should be a result of long-term accumulation due to diffuse pollution mostly from traffic (through atmospheric emissions, tire debris and fuel exhaust, as well as pavement debris). Indeed, most of the sites sampled in the city center were historical gardens and parks. The calculation of potential risks based on different models showed that there is a high discrepancy among guidelines, and that risks will be extremely associated with the endpoint or parameters used in the different models. Nevertheless, this initial approach based on total levels was useful for identifying areas where a more detailed risk assessment is needed (close to the airport and in the city center). Therefore, the use of prediction maps can be very useful for urban planning, for example, by crossing information obtained with land uses, it is possible to define the most problematic areas (e.g., playgrounds and schools).


Author(s):  
Emily Margaretten

This concluding chapter presents the endings to the stories of the Point Place youth, while highlighting the connections between everyday relatedness and companionship—or nakana—on the streets. Notably, a substantial number of the Point Place youth are still seeking shelter in the city center. Some of them had happy and hopeful endings, while many had perished. However, most of them returned to the streets since they have nowhere else to go. The chapter reviews the housing options for the urban poor, emphasizing the lived disparities between political rhetoric and practice that make the basic right of dignified life, including the right to shelter, an unlikely reality for South Africa's older street youth population.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Mostafa

PurposeThe New Urban Agenda has catalyzed discussion across academia and practice on how to responsibly position ourselves as key players in the making of the future of our cities. With questions such as what is the right to the city? Who has those rights? What is a city? What is formal and who defines informal? These questions may prompt a need for departure from, or at least a reconsideration of the narrative surrounding formal and informal urbanism. This paper presents a pedagogical approach to addressing these and other questions within the framework of the new agenda. It reviews pedagogical approaches to understanding and learning to design within an informal context. It also foregrounds the process with the theoretical framing of Christopher Alexander's Pattern Language and Timeless way of Building as lenses through which to understand and identify common languages and intersections across the global spectrum of representations of informal urbanism. It then outlines the resultant process and products of a one-week intensive master-class and design charette of international scholars and students focusing on the Informal City.Design/methodology/approachIt reviews pedagogical approaches to understanding and learning to design within an informal context. It also foregrounds the process with the theoretical framing of Christopher Alexander's Pattern Language and Timeless way of Building as lenses through which to understand and identify common languages and intersections across the global spectrum of representations of informal urbanism. It then outlines the resultant process and products of a one-week intensive master-class and design charette of international scholars and students focusing on the Informal City.FindingsThe paper conclusively presents new nomenclature for informality that strives to shift the semantic lens from its current negative connotations to more productive, proactive and positive ones. It also presents an Informal City Manifesto, a call to arms of theoretical framing of how we think about the formal informal divide.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper, in part, outlines the results of a single studio with a small student number. Although diverse in its composition the student body is small.Originality/valueThis new framing could potentially allow us to best leverage lessons and mitigate challenges of the informal city condition, as our human settlements continue to urbanize.


Author(s):  
D.O. Timoshkin

The article analyzes the images of the Irkutsk city center in the memories of the representatives of two marginal groups — street children and venders, who lived and worked there from 1999 to 2006, as well as its mo dern images in the public statements of the urban elites. The aim of the study is to identify the functions that the city center performed during the years of deep social transformations and to reveal why today one wants to forget about it as soon as possible. The author argues that the places mentioned by the respondents and the actions performed in those places largely shaped the current ideas about the period of social chaos in the “post-Soviet” city — a period of uncertainty, violence and fear. Today, these places and functions are mostly memories, which are gradually being replaced by the simplified and emotionally rich myths about the past that are being broadcast by the urban political regimes. The latter displace marginal groups from the center and change the places they previously occupied, simultaneously altering the collective memory associated with these places. The article puts forward and justifies a hypothesis that starting from the mid-1990s and almost until the end of the 2000s these territories were used by the majority of citizens as an extra-institutional interface necessary for connecting to the city resource node. This function has become the primary cause of fierce conflicts, during which numerous enforcers tried to establish a monopoly on the collection of rents from the human and resource flows concentrated there. The image of the center as a deviant place was constructed simultaneously by the urban regimes and marginal groups: the former used it as a weapon in the struggle for the “right to the city,” the latter associated it with the collective trauma they had experienced.


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