scholarly journals Naturaleza e interpretación del Acuerdo de Paz en el sistema jurídico colombiano | Nature and interpretation of the Peace Agreement in the Colombian legal system

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (13) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Fariel José Asia Padilla ◽  
Jorge Diaz Gil

Si bien desde diversas teorías del análisis se plantea que, el conflicto y la confrontación son elementos necesarios[1] a la evolución de cualquier sociedad, para el caso Colombiano[2], atendiendo a nuestro contexto, han debido tomarse medidas atípicas para enfrentar y desarrollar el cese al fuego y el acuerdo de paz, por lo menos en un primer momento con la fuerza beligerante más representativa del País, las FARC EP.  En éste sentido, en el presente escrito se hace una revisión de la naturaleza jurídica que constituye el “Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto, y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera”; así como también de los Actos Legislativos fruto del mismo, y la interpretación que debe hacerse desde el sistema jurídico colombiano, respecto de aquellos, no sólo para la implementación del mencionado acuerdo de paz, sino también como proyección a venideros procesos.___________________________________________________To Atypical problems, atypical solutions. This basic formula allows to understand the context of a negotiation. For the case that concerns us, the legal, social and political system that has developed in Colombia in the context of violence, and the conflict lived from middle of last century, has not been precisely a stage that can be framed within a "typical situation" in a "stable society".Although from diverse theories of the analysis, it´s argued that, the conflict and the confrontation are necessary elements to the evolution of any society, for the Colombian case, according to our context, atypical measures must have be taken to face and to develop the cease-fire and the peace agreement, at least at first, with the most representative belligerent force in the country, the FARC EP.In this sense, the present paper makes a review of the juridical nature that constitutes the "final agreement for the termination of the conflict, and the construction of a stable and lasting peace"; As well as the legislative acts resulting from it, and the interpretation that must be made from the Colombian juridical system in respect of those, not only for the implementation of the mentioned peace agreement, but also as a projection to future processes. [1] Al respecto se puede ver por ejemplo, a Bauer, J. (2013) La violencia cotidiana y global. Barcelona: Plataforma Editorial. En el texto se hace una revisión de la violencia como resultado del instinto humano, posteriormente como fruto de la motivación personal, y por último, como resultado de las dinámicas sociales que generan circunstancias de desigualdad y exclusión.[2] Para profundizar en el estudio del conflicto colombiano, se puede por ejemplo, remitir a González, E. (2015) Poder y Violencia en Colombia. Bogotá: Odecofi-Cinep.

2021 ◽  
pp. 121-162
Author(s):  
Vera Samudio ◽  
Alejandra Figueredo

Resumen: La configuración de la verdad como el derecho a “saber qué ocurrió”, es uno de los pilares fundamentales del sistema de justicia transicional implementado tras la firma del Acuerdo Final de Paz entre el Gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP. En la verdad se ha depositado parte im- portante de la esperanza por la construcción de una paz estable y duradera, y de la reconciliación en el país. En el presente artículo se sostiene que el derecho a la verdad en el funcionamiento del Sistema Integral de Verdad, Justicia, Reparación y No Repetición (sIvJRnR) se experimenta como una construcción ética, jurídica, política y fáctica, que se desarrolla en el marco de un proceso relacional, multidireccional y polifónico, que va cambiando, modificándose y perfeccionándose en el tiempo, y puede pasar, según las necesidades y problemas a resolver, de tener un carácter puramente instrumental y racional, a uno ampliamente axiológico y moral. Para ello, se presenta una propuesta de operacionalización de esta verdad en respuesta a interrogantes sobre su com- prensión: ¿Qué? ¿Cómo? ¿Para qué? ¿Cuándo? y ¿Quién? Approaches to the Right to Truth in Transitional Justice in Colombia Abstract: The truth’s configuration as the right to “know what happened” has become one of the fundamental pillars of the transitional justice system implemented after signing the Final Peace Agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP. Thus, in truth, lays the hope for building a stable and lasting peace and reconciliation in the country. This article sustains that the right to the truth in the operation of the Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (sIvJRnR) is experienced as an ethical, legal, political and factual construction that is developed within the framework of a relational, multidirectional and polyphonic process. This construction is changing, modifying and improving through time and can go, depending on the needs and problems to be solved, from having a purely instrumental and rational character to a broadly axiological and moral one. To this end, a proposal for operationalisation of this truth is presented in response to questions about its understanding: What? How? Why? When? and Who? Keywords: Truth, Transitional Justice, Final Agreement, SIVJRNR  


2018 ◽  
pp. 15-42
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Parada Bernal

El artículo se refiere al acceso a los medios de comunicación como uno de los subtemas del Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz Estable y Duradera (2016), firmado entre el Gobierno Nacional de Colombia y la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (farc-ep), que hace parte del segundo punto del acuerdo, titulado “Participación política: apertura democrática para construir la paz”. Al respecto, se identifican algunos de los principales retos y perspectivas de la implementación del acuerdo en relación con este subtema, específicamente, sobre aspectos como la participación de organizaciones y movimientos sociales en la formulación del proyecto de ley estatutaria de participación ciudadana y la garantía de su acceso a los medios de comunicación masiva. Abstract:  The article refers to Access to the media, as one of the sub-themes of the Final Agreement for the completion of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace (2016), signed between the national government of Colombia and the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (farc-ep), which is part of the second point of the agreement, entitled “Political participation: Democratic opening to build peace”. In this regard, some of the main challenges and perspectives of the implementation of the agreement are identified in relation to this sub-theme, specifically on aspects such as the participation of organizations and social movements in the formulation of the project of statutory law of citizen participation, and the guarantee of their access to the mass media. Keywords: peace agreement, post-conflict, mass media, community communication, communicationfor peace.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Ahmad Kilani ◽  
Mohammad Ali Alawieh ◽  
Mussaui-Ulianishcheva E. V. ◽  
Ulyanishcheva L. V.

After almost twenty-five years since the Oslo accords, the last relatively successful peace agreement between the Palestinians and the Israelis, Trump’s plan is the newest attempt to achieve sustainable long-lasting peace in the Middle East between the two conflicting parties. This paper argues that the P&P plan is designed to a one-state solution. Through a comparison between the Oslo Accords and the P&P plan we can observe the shift from the two state notions to the one state concept with a system of apartheid. The article also attempts to suggest improvements on the plan to be more suitable for both parties under a one state solution, namely, to include a new constitution.


Author(s):  
Pedro Francisco Ramos Josa

El presente artículo tiene por objeto analizar la finalidad y utilidad de la institución del Colegio Electoral en el sistema político de Estados Unidos. Para dicho propósito haré un repaso histórico de los orígenes constitucionales del Colegio Electoral, seguido de una descripción de su evolución a lo largo de más de 200 años de existencia, finalizando con un análisis de su influencia en el resultado de las últimas elecciones presidenciales del pasado 8 de noviembre de 2016. Por último, y teniendo en cuenta todo lo anterior, valoraré la relación entre el Colegio Electoral y la democracia estadounidense.It is the object of the present article to analyze the purpose and usefulness of the institution of the Electoral College in the United States political system. For that purpose I will make a historical review of the Electoral College constitutional origins, followed by a description of its evolution throughout more than 200 years of existence, to conclude with a review of the main arguments for and against the Electoral College. Finally, and bearing in mind the aforementioned, I will assess the relationship between the Electoral College and the American democracy.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Edmonds-Poli

When Vicente Fox came to power in 2000, many believed that decentralization of the Mexican political system would be one of the top items on his agenda. This essay examines Fox's efforts to transfer power to other branches and levels of government during his first three years in office. The main finding is that the current administration has not been more successful at promoting decentralization than its PRI predecessor. Moreover, states and municipalities have not embraced decentralization because they are ambivalent about bearing the financial and political costs of subnational independence. Con la victoria de Vicente Fox en el 2000, muchos creíían que la descentralizacióón seríía unos de sus proyectos de mayor prioridad durante su gestióón. El presente ensayo analiza las iniciativas de Fox durante los primeros tres añños de su gestióón y demuestra que los recursos financieros tanto como el poder políítico siguen concentrados en las manos del gobierno federal. Fox no ha logrado descentralizar el sistema políítico, en parte, porque los estados y los municipios resisten el cambio.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-480
Author(s):  
Richard Nobles ◽  
David Schiff

AbstractThis paper uses the example of civil disobedience to explore Luhmann's description of the constitution as structural coupling between law and politics. Civil disobedience highlights the paradox of constituent and constituted power. The claims made for constituent power provide a basis for challenging the current configuration and expression of constituted power. This paradox is first avoided in the legal system through that system's inability to recognise a legal right to disobey law. In turn, a political system that has, under conditions of modernity, increasingly second coded power as legality, has an ever decreasing capacity to include communications that acknowledge a right to disobey law. Civil disobedience is only able to operate within the political system in the form of protest, and is accommodated through the exercise of discretionary powers. However, juridification of those powers has the capacity to threaten this accommodation.


1990 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 419-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Huskey

The Soviet political system is made up of three major institutions: the Communist Party, the parliament, and the government. Whereas the first two have changed dramatically under perestroika, the government has continued to function in more traditional ways. Most worrying to reformists, the government–the Soviet Union's “executive branch”–has used its broad rulemaking authority to impede the transformation of Soviet politics and society. This essay examines the role of governmental rules in the Soviet political and legal system. It concludes, following the lead of Soviet reformists, that without a fundamental restructuring of government making authority, legal, political, and economic reform in the Soviet Union cannot be institutionalized.


1970 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Francis Onditi ◽  
Cristina D’Alessandro

Peace and conflict dynamics in South Sudan are intertwined with political governance, institutional capacities, and leadership. Nevertheless, in the specific South Sudanese intractable civil wars since signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, territorial and economic governance are also certainly strictly connected to any possible prospect of sustainable peace for the country. As such, after carefully defining these concepts, this article emphasizes that territorial governance in South Sudan relates to boundaries definition and to the division of the national territory in states with a certain degree of autonomy. The issues and divergences engendered by territorial governance are intertwined with economic governance concerns. The uneven distribution of natural resources (especially oil) produces wealth and power redistribution concerns that are at the core of contentious relations between social and ethnic groups. These circles of tensions rapidly degenerate into conflict in a context of widespread poverty, inequality, and consequent social vulnerability. The article defines and illustrates a “good enough” territorial and economic governance framework for the South Sudanese case study.Keywords: South Sudan; Governance; Resources; Territory; Political System.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-279
Author(s):  
Jakub Łakomy

The present article deals with the political nature of the interpretation theory, using poststructuralism as a source of reflection. The analysis is conducted by using poststructuralist epistemology and poststructuralist political theory. The thesis of this article, which is metatheoretical in nature, is that the poststructuralist concepts of legal interpretation can be used only after simultaneously adopting the assumptions of the political philosophy which originated in poststructuralism. Chantal Mouffe’s concept of the political is very much tied to considerations about agonistic democracy and agonistic pluralism, which gives us original answers to the questions of how society, the political system, and the legal system can help us prevent the emergence and flourishing of authoritarianism. The first part of the text presents the poststructuralist definition of the political and politics as well as shows its importance for the analysis of the contemporary legal interpretation concepts. In the next part, the author discusses the topic of poststructuralism in jurisprudence and its most important features for a change in the discourse of philosophy of interpretation. The third part of the article examines poststructuralist anti-essentialism using the example of one from among the most famous neopragmatist and poststructuralist philosophers — Stanley Fish. In the fourth and last part of the considerations, the thesis about the necessity of joint use of poststructuralist epistemology and political theory for research on legal interpretation is verified and metatheoretical conclusions are drawn from it.


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