scholarly journals El Estado Novo portugués y el miedo al «No Imperio»: algunas razones inmateriales de la resistencia a la descolonización (1945-1977) = The Portuguese Estado Novo and the fear of «No Empire»: some intangible reasons for the resistance to decolonization (1945-1974)

2018 ◽  
pp. 143
Author(s):  
Adolfo Cueto-Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Know How ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
The Future

Es de sobra conocido que la dictadura portuguesa resistió tenazmente a la descolonización hasta el fin de sus días, allá por abril de 1974. Desde 1961 lo hizo además empuñando el fusil; y entonces la simbiosis entre el Régimen y su guerra colonial adquirió tal envergadura que una cosa difícilmente lograría sobrevivir sin la otra. Sin mejor solución que continuar, el futuro de ambos estaba sentenciado, a plazo. Ya se sabe, más difícil que iniciar un conflicto es siempre salir de él. Por supuesto, eso no quiere decir que la decisión de embarcarse en uno y mantenerlo sea cosa sencilla. Sobre las razones del Gobierno portugués han corrido ríos de tinta. Son múltiples. Pero ¿qué hay de los razonamientos que, cuan dogmas de fe, entendían comprometida la mismísima patria y su destino si las colonias se perdían?. A ese tipo de justificaciones dedicaremos este texto, pues, la posibilidad del «No Imperio» para muchos amenazaba de modo fatal la independencia nacional por varias vías. ¿Cuánto pesó esa cosmovisión en la decisión de resistir y cuánto contribuyó para dificultar la corrección política que sacase al país de la contienda? No sabremos cuantificar lo imponderable, aunque bien merece una reflexión.It is well known that the Portuguese dictatorship resisted decolonization until the end of its days, in April 1974. Since 1961 it did so with arms. The symbiosis between the perpetuation of the regime and the colonial war was such that one could hardly have survived without the other. Still, without a better solution, the future of both was sentenced. More difficult than starting a conflict is always to get out of it, which does not mean that the decision to embark on one and to keep it is simple. The reasons supporting the Portuguese government’s decision have been overly studied and are multiple. But what about the arguments that, as dogmas of faith, compromised the historical continuity of the homeland and its unity of destiny without the colonies? This text will focus on those arguments, since for many people the possibility of the «No Empire» hypothesis seriously threatened national identity and the countryʼs independence. To what extent did this vision of reality influenced the decision to resist and to hamper the political correction that would end the war? We donʼt know how to quantify the imponderable, but it deserves a reflection.

scholarly journals On the Possibilities of Researching the Marriage Policies of the Rurikids: The Case of Mstislav Fyodor Vladimirovich Monomakhovich

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Dariusz Dąbrowski
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Other ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Basic Question ◽  
The Political ◽  
Know How ◽  
Cultural Sphere ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One

The main goal of the article is to present the possibilities and methods of research on the Rurikid’s matrimonial policy in the Middle Ages on the example of a selected group of princes. As the subject of studies were chosen Mstislav Vladimirovich and his children. In total, 12 matrimonial relationships were included. The analysis of the source material revealed very unfavorable phenomena from the perspective of the topic under study. The Rus’ primary sources gave information on the conclusion of just four marriages out of twelve. The next four matrimonial arrangement inform foreign sources (Scandinavian and Norman). It should be emphasized particularly strongly that – save for two exceptions of Scandinavian provenance – the sources convey no information whatsoever as regards the political aims behind this or that marriage agreement. It appears, then, that the chroniclers of the period and cultural sphere in question did not regard details concerning marriages (such as their circumstances or the reasons behind them) as “information notable enough to be worth preserving”. Truth be told, even the very fact of the marriage did not always belong to this category. Due to the state of preservation of primary sources the basic question arises as to whether it is possible to study the Rurikids’ matrimonial policy? In spite of the mercilessly sparse source material, it is by all means possible to conduct feasible research on the Rurikids’ marriage policy. One must know how to do it right, however. Thus, such studies must on the one hand be rooted in a deep knowledge of the relevant sources (not only of Rus’ provenance) as well as the ability to subject them to astute analysis; on the other hand, they must adhere to the specially developed methodology, presented in the first part of the article.

scholarly journals Promoting Hybridity: The Politics of the New Macau Identity

2010 ◽  
Vol 203 ◽  
pp. 656-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wai-man Lam
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Administrative Region ◽  
Administrative Region ◽  
Multiple Identity ◽  
Economic Significance ◽  
Prime Task ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
Cultural Hybrid

AbstractThis article traces the unique process of reconstructing the identity of the Macau Special Administrative Region and its people after the political resumption to China in 1999, and the political and economic significance of the reconstruction. As in other postcolonial contexts, identity is an arena of political contest where various discourses that embody re-appropriation of political traditions and legacies criss-cross. In Macau, the post-handover identity comprises the local, the national and the international components, with Macau characterized as a historical, colonial/cultural hybrid and economic object. In fact, the Macau identity after 1999 represents a re-appropriation of the image of colonial Macau propagated by the Portuguese administration since the 1980s. Also, identity making has been a process of incorporating instead of repressing or eliminating the identities of “the other,” and building a stand-alone national identity is not the prime task in the reconstruction of an identity. Rather, multiple identity components are deliberately incorporated and promoted. The success of the process has fabricated Macau's relatively smooth reintegration with China and enhanced the legitimacy of its new government.

Modernity, Autochthony and the Ivorian Nation: the End of a Century in Côte d'Ivoire

Africa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armando Cutolo
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
Côte D'ivoire

ABSTRACTIn the mid-1990s, Côte d'Ivoire witnessed the rise of the ideology of ivoirité, a conception of citizenship based on autochthonous origins. Ivoirité was elaborated by a group of Ivorian intellectuals in the context of the political struggle opposing Henry Konan Bedié to Alassane Ouattara in the succession to the late President Houphouët-Boigny. Through the tactical use of the rhetoric of ivoirité, Ouattara was depicted by his adversaries as a ‘Burkinabé’ trying to rule the country. Going beyond this tactical aspect, the article addresses the ideological relations linking ivoirité to the ‘project of an Ivorian liberal society’ explicitly constructed by the same intellectuals. These relations contributed to the emergence, in the Ivorian public space, of a discourse establishing self-evident, hegemonic connections between notions like autochthony, modernity and nationality, on the one hand, and biopolitical concepts like population, immigration, security and resources on the other. The article uses two complementary perspectives to frame this emergent discourse. One focuses on the historical continuity of the political-economic strategies and population policies implemented by colonial governments and post-colonial elites. The other uses Giorgio Agamben's critical enquiry into citizenship and nationality to bring to light the implication of the ivoirité intellectuals in the construction of a national bios, and thus in the singling out of a paradigmatic form of bare life.

Collective Identity in National Anthems

2019 ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Hesham Mesbah
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political System ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The Common

This chapter explores how national anthems of African and non-African Arab nations reflect a collective national identity. The national anthems of 22 Arab countries were analyzed using the textual thematic analysis to identify the common attributes of national identity in these anthems and the variance in referring to political entities, national symbols, and natural artifacts according to the political system (republic vs. monarchy) in the country. The analysis shows five thematic components of the national identity presented by those anthems, with an emphasis on the themes of religion and local political leaders in the anthems of monarchies. On the other hand, republics base their identity on religion, history, and nation-related natural and national artifacts. The anthems of the republics show a higher level of complexity (thematic richness) and more tendency to use emotionally charged, forceful language, in contrast to the anthems of the monarchies.

scholarly journals Factors of (Self) Education of Adolescents Intercultural Sensitivity

Pedagogika ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 117 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-210
Author(s):  
Valdonė Šaulienė
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Intercultural Sensitivity ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Foreign Languages ◽  
Intercultural Dialogue ◽  
Measurement Tool ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Know How ◽  
Self Confidence ◽  
The Future

In this study the research problem can be formulated as the question: what adolescents’ ability to communicate with people from other cultures should be promoted in order to develop a full-fledged intercultural dialogue in the future? Aim – ascertain the factors of (self) education of adolescent’s intercultural sensitivity. The object of investigation – intercultural sensitivity of adolescents, as one of the most important aspects of modern national identity. In order to investigate the intercultural sensitivity was selected M. J. Bennett’s (1986, 2004) theoretical Model of the Development of Intercultural Sensitivity and intercultural sensitivity’s measurement tool called the Intercultural Sensitivity Scale (ISS) developed by G. M. Chen and W. J. Starosta (2000). Instrument (ISS) has been translated into the Lithuanian language and adapted to Lithuanian adolescents. According to the scientific literature article discussed: is the progress of ethnorelativism the premise of intercultural dialogue? The empirical data analysis allows to discuss about some strengthen / weakening external / internal factors of intercultural sensitivity of adolescents: the worldview and environmental influences. To promote intercultural sensitivity of adolescents and intercultural dialogue in the future should be drawn attention to those aspects: cognitive – to teach them their own culture, they should know how to represent it, by behavior, thinking attributes promote to recognize the signs of other cultures as well as the learning of foreign languages; emotional – to motivate them understand, respect and accept their own and other cultures, their differences, allowing to fid friends abroad, to promote interest to notice the diversity, avoiding stereotypes, prejudice; behavioral – increasing adolescents’ national identity, self-confidence in dealing with others and the courage to be themselves.

scholarly journals „La Țigănci”, nuvela-parabolă a profetismului eliadesc / "La Țigănci" – The Parable of the Eliadesc Prophetism

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Liliana Danciu
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Short Story ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rite Of Passage ◽  
Main Character ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Cultural Elements ◽  
The Future ◽  
Naked Body

The unprecedented experience of Gavrilescu, the main character in the La Țigănci short story, continues to arise  various interpretations, proving the viability of this eliadesc writing. For some literary critics, he is the anti-hero by definition, which lives what Eliade understands by "level break", but without understanding anything of it. The ordinary man, with a banal existence, routinely in the profane becomes the Chosen One uselessly claimed by sacred, for ignorance prevents him from seeing beyond the Illusion. In the hut of the gypsies, he crosses a rite of passage, from life to death, proof being the shrouded curtain that will wrap his naked body, the terrible thirst for unpopularity, and the surprising encounter with the always young Hildegard, the beloved of his youth.In this article, I try to reveal another dimension of this eliadesc short story, linked to the name of the main character, which, in my opinion, refers to the name of the archangel Gabriel, the "pair" of the other, Michael. As it is known, the name of the archangel Michael is directly related to the Romanian legionary movement in the inter-warperiod, a nationalistic, violent and criminal political-ideological movement that has successfully manipulated local religious and cultural elements to gain followers and become strong. Up to a point, the Romanian legionary movement stood under the sign of both archangels, synthesizing both the intellectual and the political dimensions.In time, the two directions have broken apart, and the legion has remained exclusively under the warlike sign of the warrior archangel. The Romanian intellectuals, who originally sympathized with the nationalist ideals of the legionary movement, distanced themselves from it and remained under the soteriological mark of Archangel Gabriel. This is, in my opinion, the message hidden by Eliade in this unusual short story. Also, using allegory and symbol, the Romanian author turns out to be a man of vision and prophesies the future of Romania, which has been culturally and historically marked, in time, by Germany. The present does not contradict Eliade, because Germany is the engine of the European Union, of which Romania wants to be part.

scholarly journals Идентичность иранцев в архитектуре X-XII вв

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Kholomeeva
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Spatial Memory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Iranian Art ◽  
Visual Spatial ◽  
The One ◽  
Development Course ◽  
Visual Spatial Memory

The political environment in Khurasan with the arrival of the Samanid dynasty contributed to an increase in the national identity of Iranians on the one hand and mutual enrichment of cultures in the cosmopolitan climate on the other. The formation of style in the architecture is associated with the visual-spatial memory of Iranians themselves in a direction determined by Muslim religion. Hardly had the Iranian artists appealed to their traditional forms when they transformed them in according to the new Islamic discourse. The study also revealed that there is some evidence to suggest that Iranian art in the first centuries of Islam had its independent development course based on the flexibility of culture and awareness of its own identity.

Dynamics of conversations

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-154
Author(s):  
Cristina Rosillo-López
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Written Communication ◽  
Conversational Analysis ◽  
Power Struggles ◽  
Constituent Part ◽  
The Future

Chapter 5 analyses the political conversations that Cicero transmitted in direct style from the point of view of conversational analysis, dissecting their dynamics and revealing how they constructed relationships and provided an outlet for self-representation during power struggles. Such conversations allowed the deployment of persuasiveness, tentative questions, sous-entendres, and the circulation of information that written communication could not provide. An analysis of conversational dynamics has revealed that certain elements consistently recur. First, there is the presence of political speculations and predictions about the future. Secondly, we can point to the presence of feelings and impressions, either as a result of the conversation or concerning the other speaker. The chapter argues that such conversations should be considered a constituent part of political culture.

An Unscientific Postscript

2019 ◽  
pp. 269-278
Author(s):  
Kwame Anthony Appiah
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Political Psychology ◽  
National Culture ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Account ◽  
Do So ◽  
Three Components

This chapter explores some of the tensions between cosmopolitanism and nationalism, from above, and ethnic identity and nationalism, from below, in the light of some of the other chapters in this book. To do so, it sketches a general account of identity, with its three components: criteria of membership, psychological identification, and the treatment of members by others as members of the group, and argues that all are standardly contested. It then incorporates the insights of some of the earlier chapters that show that identification can involve (a) feelings of warmth for the nation, or (b) celebrating national culture and achievements, or (c) conceiving of one’s nation as superior to others, and it discusses the different effects of these on redistributive solidarity with minorities and migrants. Finally, it urges attention to the role of national honour in thinking about national identity and suggests that there is scope for more work on the political psychology of nationalism.

Letter from the Other Canada

1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Laforest
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Quiet Revolution ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Modernization

LESS THAN TWO YEARS AGO, THE READERS OFGovernment and Oppositionhad reasons to be moderately optimistic concerning the future of our country. If their judgment was based on George Feaver's ‘Letter from Canada’, it appeared prudent to conclude that it was no small achievement for Canada to have persisted as a state in the face of tremendous adversity. These readers may have also trusted some distinguished experts on Canadian history and politics. Donald Smiley recently wrote that he had ’very much over-estimated the strength of Québec nationalism and provincialist influences elsewhere in the country and very much under-estimated the capacity of the system to respond effectively to such divisive pressures’. Smiley's judgment was supported by Kenneth McRoberts: ‘Canada's most serious political crisis, which originated in the political modernization of the Quiet Revolution and saw the election of a Québec government formally committed to Québec sovereignty, appears to have run its course.’

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