scholarly journals Símbolos religiosos, escuela pública y neutralidad ideológica estatal : el caso del crucifijo = Religious symbols, public schools and the state neutrality principle : the crucifix case

2012 ◽  
Vol 0 (85) ◽  
pp. 273
Author(s):  
José Ramón Polo Sabau
2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Koussens

The difference in attitudes towards the wearing of religious symbols in schools in France and Canada is symptomatic of the respective legal and political definitions of the official neutrality of the school institution and thus of way in which laicism is used to regulate religious pluralism and the “socio-cultural” integration of immigrant populations. In what ways is state neutrality put into practice, in Quebec and in France, as regards the judicial and political treatment of the wearing of religious symbols in public schools? The author proposes to examine the implementation of the liberal principle of neutrality by the French law dated 15 March 2004 on the wearing of religious symbols in public schools and by the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada of 2 March 2006 to allow a young Sikh to wear his ritual kirpan at school.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-244
Author(s):  
Malcolm D. Evans

The Grand Chamber Decision in Lautsi accords the State a considerable margin of appreciation to legitimate the display of religious symbols in classrooms on grounds of tradition. In doing so, however, it opens up new questions concerning the scope of state neutrality which remain to be resolved.


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen Temperman

AbstractThis article suggests a signicant correlation between the notions of state neutrality and religious freedom. The absence of a considerable degree of state neutrality has a detrimental effect on human rights compliance. Under states which identify themselves strongly with a single religious denomination as well as under states which identify themselves negatively in relation to religion, there is no scope for human rights compliance. Both extreme types of state–religion identication are characterised by repression of all beliefs and manifestations thereof which do not correspond with the state sanctioned view on belief. This may be either the upholding of a specic religious denomination or of militant ideological secularism. Consequently, discrimination and marginalisation rather than compliance with the norms of freedom of religion and the promotion of non-discrimination comprise policy and practice under these regimes. Intermediate forms of state–religion afliation, i.e. types of identication in which the state is not drenched with the excluding ideals of a single denomination or with anti-religious sentiments, allow for a degree of democratic inclusion of religious difference and of religious tolerance. The most substantial scope for full compliance, however, lies in the combination of democratic inclusion of people from different religions and the indispensable political commitment characterised as state neutrality with respect to all people. State neutrality refers to a regime of state–religion identi cation that can best be understood as 'accommodative non-partisanship'.


Author(s):  
Raissa Killoran

The many usages of the term ‘secularism’ have generated an ambiguity in the word; as a political guise, it may be used to engender anti-religious fervor. Particularly in regards to veiling among female Muslim adherents, the attainment of a secular state and touting of the necessity of dismantling religious symbols have functioned as linguistic shields. By calling a “burka ban” necessary or even egalitarian secularization, legislators employ ‘secularization’ as jargon for political ends, enacting a stance of supremacy under the semblance of progress. Secularization has come to function as a political tool - in the name of it, governments may prescribe which cultural symbols are normative and which are of ‘other’ cultures or religious origins. As such, the identification of some religious symbols as foreign and others as normative is a usage of secularization for normalization of dominant religious expression. In this, there is an implicit neocolonialism; by imposing standards of cultural normalcy which are definitively nonMuslim, such policies attempt to divorce Muslims from Islam.  Further, I intend to investigate the gendered aspect of secularization politics. By critiquing clothing and body policing of women, I will demonstrate how secularization projects use the female body and dress as a site for display. By rendering the female physically emblematic of the honor and virtue of an ‘other’ culture, those enacting secularization norms target women’s bodies to act as visual exhibitions of the dominant culture’s hegemony. Here, we see gendered secularization at work - female bodies become controlled by the antireligious zeal of the state, while the state carries out this control on the predicate that it is the religious group enacting unjust control. As such, the policing of female Muslim bodies is symbolic of the policing of Islam as a whole; it acts as an illustration of an imposed, gendered secularization project.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
András Koltay

The issue of the use of religious symbols by the State, the Government, the Municipalities and Courts has emerged as a practical constitutional problem during the last quarter of a century. Contradictory examples of us Supreme Court jurisprudence prove that this issue is among the constitutional ‘hard cases’. The relatively recent appearance of the problem clearly indicates the ways in which American social conditions have changed and the transformation of us society’s attitude to religion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Viola Young ◽  
Thomas V. Shepley ◽  
Mengli Song

Drawing on interview data from reading policy actors in California, Michigan, and Texas, this study applied Kingdon's (1984, 1995) multiple streams model to explain how the issue of reading became prominent on the agenda of state governments during the latter half of the 1990s. A combination of factors influenced the status of a state's reading policy agenda, including feedback from parents, teachers, and business groups; student achievement data; political pressure from the state administration; regional and national interest; a pervasive belief that reading is a building block for student success; and a widespread perception that the decline in reading achievement was symbolic of the failure of public schools. In addition, governors promoted reading to high agenda prominence by influencing which issues were placed on the decision agenda (agenda setting) and which alternatives were given serious attention (alternative specification). Finally, the findings suggest that the applicability of Kingdon's national-level model to the state level may depend on both the issue being examined and the participation of the state executive branch.


Author(s):  
N. N. Lebedeva ◽  

The article deals with peculiarities of the organization of end-of-year and final examinations at public schools in Eastern Siberia at the turn of 19th – 20th centuries in connection with the problems of formation and development of the content and mechanisms of realization of the State Final Certification in the practice of modern national education.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (65) ◽  
pp. 307-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Leon Crochík

Abstract Hierarchies established in schools can lead to violence among students, particularly bullying, and this relationship is investigated in this study. A School Hierarchies Scale and a Peer Perception of Aggression Scale were applied to 274 9th grade students, both sexes, aged 14.08 years (SD = 0.81) old on average, attending four public schools in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. The students more frequently perceived to be popular, were among the best in physical education and/or among the worst in academic subjects were also more frequently perceived to be bullies, while those more frequently perceived to be unpopular and having the worst performance in physical education were also more frequently perceived to be victims. Therefore, teachers should reflect upon the issue and fight school violence that may arise from these hierarchies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
katie liesener

In 2006, the state of Massachusetts suffered a political debacle over the merits of Marshmallow Fluff, a beloved, locally made marshmallow paste. In an effort to combat childhood obesity, state Senator Jarrett Barrios proposed that Fluff be restricted in public schools. His fellow state legislator, Rep. Kathi-Anne Reinstein, counter-proposed that the Fluffernutter (the fluff and peanut butter sandwich she and other locals grew up with) be named the official state sandwich. In the end, nostalgia trumped nutrition, revealing the cultural significance of this marshmallow treat. To generations of Massachusetts natives, Fluff symbolizes the innocence and irreverence of childhood. Furthermore, Fluff is an all-American icon: invented by an immigrant, it is the sole product of a family-owned company founded by returning WWI veterans. Since the political fallout, Fluff's populist heritage has been celebrated in an annual festival held in Somerville, Mass., birthplace of Fluff.


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