scholarly journals Encuesta sobre el sistema electoral

Author(s):  
Enrique Arnaldo Alcubilla ◽  
Miguel Azpitarte Sánchez ◽  
Francisco Bastida Freijedo ◽  
Paloma Biglino Campos ◽  
Roberto Blanco Valdés ◽  
...  

En esta encuesta un grupo de profesores de Derecho Constitucional contestan un conjunto de preguntas sobre el sistema electoral, las diferencias entre los sistemas proporcionales y mayoritarios, la influencia del sistema electoral en el sistema de partidos, el origen histórico del sistema electoral español y las posibilidades de reforman, tanto desde el punto de vista procedimental como desde el punto de vista de su posible modificación para lograr una mejor representación de la pluralidad social.In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questions about the electoral system, the differences between proportional and mayority systems, the influence of the electoral system in the party system, the origin of the electoral system in Spain, and the procedural ways of a possible reform and the possible changes on it in order to get a better representation of the social plurality.

Author(s):  
Óscar Alzaga Villaamil

Noting that in sociological studies at European level Spain is almost at the bottom of civic appraisal of its democracy and its political, the study explores the historical roots of poor political representation in the nineteenth century Spanish with management from the Crown Decrees of dissolution of parliament and full control by governments shift elections based on small districts and on a rooted cacique system. The 1977 Law for Political Reform conditioned the electoral system for the Parliament, distorting proportional representation in terms that have come down to us and who have devoted bipartisanship when none of the major parties has a majority depends on the Nationalist forces, they have made great revenues as unique representative map. The Spanish legislation regulating political parties with great precision how the upcoming ban terrorism forces, but hardly develops the constitutional requirements regarding the organization and internal functioning must be democratic, nor on party funding, for what you need to consider the reform of the parties Act 2002.Tras constatar que en los estudios sociológicos de ámbito europeo España se sitúa prácticamente a la cola de valoración ciudadana de su democracia y de sus políticos, el estudio profundiza en las raíces históricas de la mala representación política durante el Siglo XIX español con manejo desde la Corona de los Decretos de disolución de las Cortes y pleno control por los gobiernos del turno de unas elecciones basadas en distritos pequeños y en un arraigados sistema caciquil. La Ley de 1977 para la Reforma Política condicionó el sistema electoral para las Cortes, distorsionando la representación proporcional en términos que han llegado a nuestros días y que han consagrado un bipartidismo que cuando ninguno de los principales partidos tiene mayoría absoluta depende de las fuerzas nacionalistas, que han obtenido grandes réditos de tan singular mapa representativo. La legislación española de partidos políticos regula con gran precisión la forma de prohibir las fuerzas próximas al terrorismo, pero prácticamente no desarrolla los imperativos constitucionales en cuanto a que la organización y el funcionamiento interno deben ser democráticos, ni sobre la financiación de los partidos, por lo que procede abordar la reforma de la Ley de partidos de 2002.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
Maria I. Rosenko ◽  
◽  
Sergey A. Zaporozhets ◽  
Viktor A. Protsevskiy ◽  
◽  
...  

The article examines the problems of coordination and reflection of political preferences of social groups, the criteria for choosing the type of electoral system and its role in the formation of a legislative (representative) body of state power, advantages and disadvantages, possible consequences of the introduction of a two-party and multi-party system in small areas, it is noted that the ability of the state to change depends on its viability, adequacy of the social process, the ability to form a real unity of interests and goals of the state and the people.


Author(s):  
Teoría y Realidad Constitucional

In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer questions about the constitutional and legal regulation of political parties in a democratic system: about their function in a democratic system, their legal status, the internal organization and functioning of the political party —if it is democratic and how can it be more democratic—, about the way to elect the candidates, the funding and the finance and funding control, and, finally, about the equal opportunities clause.En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho constitucional contestan a preguntas relativas al régimen constitucional y legal de los partidos políticos en un Estado democrático: en concreto sobre sus fines y funciones en el Estado democrático, su naturaleza jurídica, la exigencia de que su organización interna y funcionamiento sean democráticos y el modo de cumplir esta exigencia, sobre el sistema de elección de los candidatos, sobre la financiación y el control financiero de los partidos, y, finalmente, sobre el principio de la igualdad de oportunidades entre partidos.


2009 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Moreno

RESUMEN: El propósito del artículo es explorar las instituciones y reglas del juego que rigen el comportamiento y las relaciones entre los actores políticos chilenos desde una perspectiva de gobernabilidad democrática. Se examina en qué forma las instituciones y reglas del juego –formales e informales– contribuyen positiva o negativamente a la gobernabilidad democrática en Chile. Se centrará la atención primero en las instituciones políticas de carácter formal y después, en las de carácter informal. Al examinar las instituciones de carácter formal se distinguirá a aquellas que se vinculan más estrechamente con la forma de gobierno, los mecanismos de pesos y contrapesos, el sistema electoral y el sistema de partidos. En las informales se repasarán brevemente aquellas más visibles: clientelismo, circuitos extrainstitucionales del poder y captura del Estado. El punto de partida para este análisis recoge la idea de que un criterio clave para determinar el nivel de la consolidación democrática en un país es el que resulta de una adecuación razonablemente cercana entre reglas formales y comportamientos y prácticas de los actores.ABSTRACT: The intention of this article is to explore the institutions and rules of the game that govern the behavior of and relations between Chilean political actors from a perspective of democratic governability. It examines the ways in which the institutions and rules of the game –both formal and informal– contribute positively or negatively to democratic governability in Chile. It first focuses its attention on formal political institutions and later examines those that are informal in nature. When examining formal institutions, a special emphasis is put on those most closely linked to the form of government, the mechanisms of weights and counterweights, the electoral system and the party system. The examination of informal institutions concentrates on the most visible such institutions: clientelism, extrainstitutional circuits of power and the capture of the State. The point of departure for this analysis is the idea that a key criterion for determining the level of democratic consolidation in a country is the relative fit between formal rules and the behavior and practices of political actors.


2018 ◽  
pp. 197-211
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Stephen White

This chapter examines the most visible and politically important act of conventional citizen participation: turning out to vote in a national election. Patterns of political participation are influenced by a variety of institutional factors, such as the type of electoral system and the number of political parties in a country, along with individual socioeconomic factors such as a person’s educational attainments or income. A particular problem in many previously authoritarian societies is the absence of a diverse civil society, so that the social trust upon which a healthy democracy depends is often absent. The chapter first considers various dimensions of political participation before discussing voter turnout in democratic countries. It then analyses the effects of institutional arrangements such as election rules, the type of electoral system, and the party system on political participation. Finally, it describes some of the factors that determine whether or not citizens participate in politics.


Author(s):  

En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho Constitucional responden a preguntas relativas al control del poder, como idea esencial del Estado constitucional, y a los problemas que actualmente presenta nuestro Estado constitucional para asegurar ese control del ejercicio del poder, y que están relacionados con el sistema de partidos, el régimen jurídico de los partidos y su actuación en el Estado.In this Academic Survey some Constitutional Law Professors answer questions about legal control of power, as central feature of the Constitutional State, and about the problems that nowadays face our Constitutional State in order to guarantee this legal control and that refers to political parties system, political parties regulation, and action of political parties.


Author(s):  
Francesco Clementi

En los veintiséis años que caracterizan a las seis últimas legislaturas italianas (1994-2020) ha habido una intensa actividad político-institucional, acompañada de una fuerte modificación del sistema de los partidos políticos. En este contexto, el sistema electoral y sus continuas modificaciones con nuevas leyes electorales ha influido fuertemente en la forma de gobierno, marcando su dinámica, tanto directa como indirectamente. Sin embargo, el rápido cambio de los diferentes sistemas electorales en los últimos años no ha estado acompañado de reformas parejas en el texto constitucional, produciéndose una asimetría en el funcionamiento de los nuevos sistemas electorales que se iban adoptando gradualmente, que los hacía sustancialmente incompletos, incoherentes y, en definitiva, frágiles. Todo ello ha terminado degradando el sistema a ojos de la ciudadanía. Las presentes notas tienen por objeto poner de relieve las transformaciones que se han producido sobre el sistema electoral, tratando de subrayar las dificultades de su consolidación, en el marco de la llamada Segunda República (1994-2020) y de su nuevo sistema de partidos políticos.In the twenty-six years that characterize the last six Italian legislatures (1994-2020) Italy has seen, from the political-institutional point of view, an intense activity that was accompanied by a very similar vitality of the political party system. In this context, the electoral system and its continuous modifications with new electoral laws has strongly influenced the form of government, marking, by the decisive conditioning factor that represents the party system, its dynamics, both directly and indirectly. However, the rapid change of the different electoral systems in recent years has not been accompanied by an equal change in the constitutional text, so there has been an asymmetry in the functioning of the new electoral systems that were being adopted gradually, making them substantially incomplete, inconsistent and ultimately fragile. Faced with an immutability of the constitutional system, this continuous mutability in the electoral system has not only made the whole political-institutional system very weak, but also degraded it in its function in the eyes of the voters, as it seemed a clearly inefficient tool with respect to the needs of the constitutional system. Therefore, the present contribution aims to highlight the transformations that have taken place on the electoral system, trying to underline the difficulties of its consolidation, within the framework of the so-called Second Republic (1994-2020) and its new system of political parties.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 10-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony King

British politics are more fun today, at least for the political scientist, than at any time since the Second World War. The British two-party system, that seemingly immutable product of the “first past the post” electoral system, Britain's social structure and the enduring party identifications of Britain's voters, shows every sign of breaking up–not slowly and gradually, but with something approaching Mount St. Helen's force. A political party that did not exist a year ago, the Social Democrats, is now, in alliance with the liberals, sweeping all before it electorally. This short article tries to give some account of what is going on–and why.The present upheaval is taking place both down below, among voters, and up above, among members of Parliament and other prominent politicians. Let us begin with the voters.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Hale

Over the last twenty years there have been several interesting attempts by scholars working both in Turkey and elsewhere to offer a critical examination of the workings of the competitive party system in Turkey, and to relate changes in the parliamentary arena to the tensions created in a rapidly developing society. This emphasis on the social and economic background to political change has tended to turn attention away from the constitutional and legal arrangements on which the proper functioning of parliamentary democracy also depends. What follows tries to assess the impact of one of these factors — the electoral system — on Turkish political development since 1950. It closes with some suggestions about the possible effects on Turkish politics of some hitherto untried systems of election.


Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Stephen White

This chapter examines the most visible and politically important act of conventional citizen participation: turning out to vote in a national election. Patterns of political participation are influenced by a variety of institutional factors, such as the type of electoral system and the number of political parties in a country, along with individual socioeconomic factors such as a person’s educational attainments or income. A particular problem in many previously authoritarian societies is the absence of a diverse civil society, so that the social trust upon which a healthy democracy depends is often absent. The chapter first considers various dimensions of political participation before discussing voter turnout in democratic countries. It then analyses the effects of institutional arrangements such as election rules, the type of electoral system, and the party system on political participation. Finally, it describes some of the factors that determine whether or not citizens participate in politics.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document