‘Why, it’s like a ’98 trial’: The Irish Judiciary and the Fenian Trials, 1865–1866

Author(s):  
Richard A. Keogh

This chapter focuses on the ‘Fenian trials’ of 1865–66. It challenges us to think beyond established ‘speeches from the dock’ narratives to consider the part played by the judiciary in the theatre of the court. While names such as Kickham, Luby, Rossa, and o’Leary will roll of the tongues of many today, fewer will recall a William Keogh, or a John David Fitzgerald, the two Catholic judges who presided over the special commission that tried the Fenian accused. There was much criticism at the time that the state had ‘packed the bench’, an accusation levelled with regularity throughout the nineteenth century. The essay gives due consideration to these claims. The appointments of Keogh and Fitzgerald were clearly political it suggests, and cites John Devoy’s assessment that all judges in Ireland were rewarded for political service rather than legal acumen. However, it concludes that the judges’ precise handling of the proceedings undermined attempts by the accused to challenge the legitimacy of the court and, ultimately, the Fenian trials show how perceptions of judicial partiality evolved over time.

Author(s):  
Olivier Walusinski

Using unpublished letters as well as press excerpts, the author examines Gilles de la Tourette’s relationships with hospital administrators and journalists, which provide insight into his personality. Responding to an unfortunate case sensationalized by the press, Gilles de la Tourette aggressively defended his reputation while also revealing cognitive difficulties that would worsen over time. Starting in 1893, Gilles de la Tourette’s behavior gradually changed, a sign of syphilitic general paralysis. The chapter presents previously unpublished letters that he sent to the administrators of his hospital, where he was in charge of a department and describes his reaction to a slanderous press campaign. In addition to Gilles de la Tourette’s condition, the new documents elucidate the state of Parisian hospitals and the challenges of hospital physicians at the end of the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
Brian Harrison

Human beings have always planned, but the meaning, methods, and purpose of planning have changed over time and with circumstance. Planning has been politicized ever more widely as the individual’s ‘personal’ planning has succumbed before, or been reinforced by, planning by the state at its local, national, and international levels. Secularization entails the utopia’s transfer from heaven to earth, and in this process nineteenth-century Chartist populism, liberal moralism, and conservative paternalism all played their part. In the twentieth century, both Labour and Conservative parties merged all three into a statist and interventionist programme accelerated by the interwar depression and by the post-war need to validate democracy in the face of the Soviet pretensions. The essay concludes by discussing the contrasting approaches to planning required in four areas of twentieth-century government: education, welfare, the economy, and the environment.


Author(s):  
Larry Eugene Rivers

This chapter talks about how the very nature of Florida′s development over time caused bondpeople within and outside its boundaries to view the peninsula as a runaway haven. Nineteenth-century bondpeople escaped from farms and plantations; enslaved persons from other jurisdictions absconded to the peninsula as well. Many whites understood this fact and reflected on what they perceived as the high incidence of truancy in Florida. A St. Augustine journalist expressed in 1824 what many others had feared for years: many newcomers refused to settle in the territory “because they are liable to the loss of their negroes by elopement.” The intra- and interstate flight of bondservants would continue to mark nineteenth-century Florida until freedom came for all, and the state′s image as a haven for runaways remained a constant source of concern to whites.


2000 ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
O. O. Romanovsky

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the nature of the national policy of Russia is significantly changing. After the events of 1863 in Poland (the Second Polish uprising), the government of Alexander II gradually abandoned the dominant idea of ​​anathematizing, whose essence is expressed in the domination of the principle of serving the state, the greatness of the empire. The tsar-reformer deliberately changes the policy of etatamism into the policy of state ethnocentrism. The manifestation of such a change is a ban on teaching in Polish (1869) and the temporary closure of the University of Warsaw. At the end of the 60s, the state's policy towards a five million Russian Jewry was radically revised. The process of abolition of restrictions on travel, education, place of residence initiated by Nicholas I, was provided reverse.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-108
Author(s):  
Ali Alsam

Vision is the science that informs us about the biological and evolutionary algorithms that our eyes, opticnerves and brains have chosen over time to see. This article is an attempt to solve the problem of colour to grey conversion, by borrowing ideas from vision science. We introduce an algorithm that measures contrast along the opponent colour directions and use the results to combine a three dimensional colour space into a grey. The results indicate that the proposed algorithm competes with the state of art algorithms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 180-190
Author(s):  
Rajkumar Bind

This paper examines the development of modern vaccination programme of Cooch Behar state, a district of West Bengal of India during the nineteenth century. The study has critically analysed the modern vaccination system, which was the only preventive method against various diseases like small pox, cholera but due to neglect, superstation and religious obstacles the people of Cooch Behar state were not interested about modern vaccination. It also examines the sex wise and castes wise vaccinators of the state during the study period. The study will help us to growing conciseness about modern vaccination among the peoples of Cooch Behar district.   


2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Hunold

In this essay I examine the dispute between the German GreenParty and some of the country’s environmental nongovernmentalorganizations (NGOs) over the March 2001 renewal of rail shipmentsof highly radioactive wastes to Gorleben. My purpose indoing so is to test John Dryzek’s 1996 claim that environmentalistsought to beware of what they wish for concerning inclusion in theliberal democratic state. Inclusion on the wrong terms, arguesDryzek, may prove detrimental to the goals of greening and democratizingpublic policy because such inclusion may compromise thesurvival of a green public sphere that is vital to both. Prospects forecological democracy, understood in terms of strong ecologicalmodernization here, depend on historically conditioned relationshipsbetween the state and the environmental movement that fosterthe emergence and persistence over time of such a public sphere.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


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