scholarly journals The politicized motivations of volunteers in the refugee crisis: Intergroup helping as the means to achieve social change

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 260-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Kende ◽  
Nóra Anna Lantos ◽  
Anna Belinszky ◽  
Sára Csaba ◽  
Zsófia Anna Lukács

The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe despite the government’s hostile stance. We conducted a survey (N = 1459) among people who were active in supporting refugees and providing services to them to test the hypothesis of whether volunteers in the context of this humanitarian crisis had social change motivations similar to those engaged in direct political activism. Hierarchical regression analysis and mediation analysis revealed the importance of opinion-based identity and moral convictions as predictors of volunteerism, while efficacy beliefs and anger only predicted political activism. Our findings suggest that volunteers engaged in helping refugees based on motivations previously described as drivers of mobilization for political activism, but chose volunteerism to alleviate the problems embedded in the intergroup situation. Although the context of the refugee crisis in Hungary may have been somewhat unique, these findings have implications for other asymmetrical politicized intergroup relations in which advantaged group members can choose to offer humanitarian aid, engage in political actions to change the situation, or do both. Background The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe. Because of the Hungarian government’s explicitly hostile stance toward refugees, offering volunteer help was treated as an expression of political dissent by authorities. Why was this study done? We investigated the motivations of volunteers within this political climate. The psychological motivations to engage in political protest and volunteerism can be distinguished based on previous research. Volunteerism is the intentional engagement in helping for the benefit of others; it can be long term or flare up in moments of crisis, but it does not necessarily entail intentions to bring about change. In contrast, engagement in political protest is motivated by peoples’ intentions to address injustice and achieve change. As the refugee crisis evoked both types of actions (volunteerism and political protests), it provided us with the opportunity to investigate whether volunteering was driven by (1) motivation to bring about social change, (2) identification with the pro-refugee movement, and (3) experiencing a violation to their moral principles, all of which are typical for political activists. What did the researchers do and find? We conducted a survey among people who were active in supporting refugees, or participated in political protests. 1459 participants completed our online survey. We measured their level of moral conviction, identification with the pro-refugee opinion group, anger about the situation, and belief in their group’s efficacy to achieve change. Our results showed that identification with the pro-refugee movement and moral conviction were important motivations primarily for volunteers, while belief in the efficacy of the movement and anger were more closely related to engagement in political activism. What do these findings mean? We therefore suggest that activities of pro-refugee volunteers became the means to express moral convictions and a desire for social change. We used the case of the refugee crisis to draw attention to the importance of understanding the similarities and differences in the paths toward volunteerism and political activism, in terms of peoples’ motivation to achieve change, as social movements are just as dependent on mobilizing allies for political actions as they are on mobilizing volunteers.

Organization ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 952-968
Author(s):  
Kwame J. A. Agyemang ◽  
John N. Singer ◽  
Anthony J. Weems

Is sport an appropriate forum for activists to engage in political protest? In recent years, this question has been the subject of conversations in households, public spaces such as barbershops and coffee shops, and social media and newsrooms, as various high-profile athletes have used their sport platforms to call attention to various social injustices existing within the US society. The purpose of the following interview is to provide further insight into this intersection between sport and politics and the use of sport as a site for political resistance and social change. Dave Zirin, a critical sports journalist, is the sports editor for The Nation and author of several books on the politics of sport. This interview with Dave Zirin offers a nuanced understanding on the recent occurrences involving athlete activism and the overall use of sport as a site for political activism and social change. Topics covered include race and racism in America, social responsibility, and social movements, among others.


Author(s):  
Evgenia Abramova

The article is aimed to explore the so-called Turn to the City in Moscow, as a part of which the city has experienced a growth of interest in the redevelopment of the post-Soviet urban structure; and urban design is considered one of the tools of this redevelopment. On the one hand, the turn to urban design is based on the attention to public, green, and pedestrian places and social activities within these places; on the other hand, it is able to undermine the power of oppositional movements in the city, which also take place on the redeveloped sites. These contradictions between social activities and political protest are analyzed in the case study of the Bolotnaya Square, which became widely famous as a public place during the political actions of 2011- 2012.


2020 ◽  
pp. 161-188
Author(s):  
Richard Thompson Ford

Political protests and mass demonstrations have in the past been effective tools for social change. Ideal protests of the past emphasized issues that transcended normal politics and those that suggested the failure of the normal political process. They suggested that their protest was the result of an unusual threat and of extraordinary circumstances. But protest today has become commonplace and ineffective through overuse. This overuse has led to inconvenience, disruption, dilution of sympathy, and the undermining of liberal institutions. Furthermore, protests today are often self-gratifying exercises that are done for recreation, to relive nostalgia, and commonly "preach to the choir." For these reasons, contemporary political protest has lost widespread legitimacy. Suggestions are given for how they can regain this legitimacy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 285-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jung In Jo

This paper explores how perceptions of socioeconomic inequality, attitudes about redistribution, and experiences of social upward mobility shape the level of participation in political protests. The dramatic widening of income inequality in Korean society since the 2007 financial breakdown and the new surge of political protests has continued to attract attention. However, scholars have not clearly examined how Korean views about socioeconomic inequality and redistribution affect political activism in protests. This study reflects on the hypotheses of the grievance theory and the resource theory, and investigates survey data to explore whether dissatisfaction with inequality and attitudes about redistribution have a systematic impact on the level of political activism in protests. Using data from the 2009 South Korea Social Survey Program, this study concludes that dissatisfaction with income disparity, dissatisfaction with educational inequality, and redistributive preferences, have a systematic impact in fostering active political engagement in protests.


Author(s):  
Robert Cohen

The spring of 1932 marked the dawn of a new age in American student politics. Shaken by the Depression, collegians began to discard their traditional political apathy. Even college debating teams were affected, choosing as their leading topic that spring “social planning of industry,” and arguing over whether the “Stuart Chase plan,” the “Charles Beard plan,” or the Socialist plan offered the best way out of the economic crisis. And college students were doing more than talking about politics; they were starting to become involved in political actions, signaling a major change on campus. Where for the past decade political activism had been a rarity among college youth, beginning in 1932 such activism became increasingly common. The campuses were entering an era of protest: from the spring of 1932 until the end of the Depression decade not a semester would pass without some significant expression of political protest by American undergraduates. The shift toward activism became evident during a series of political protests led by the NSL in the spring semester of 1932. These initial political actions involved only a minority of students, most of whom were from just one region of the country—the Northeast. But these protests were the start of something big; they gave life to a dissident tradition, which by the mid-1930s would yield the first mass student protest movement in American history. The student political actions of the spring of 1932 did not focus upon a single issue. Instead, there were a diversity of concerns, ranging from the exploitation of workers off campus to free speech and economic problems on campus. Though the issues around which students mobilized were diverse, all of this activism was characterized by a common spirit: a desire to prove that undergraduates cared about the problems of Depression America and were organizing to address those problems. This was a conscious revolt against the apolitical collegiate lifestyle inherited from the 1920s, which because of the Depression had begun to seem anachronistic; it was an attempt to replace that lifestyle with a more adult-like and political undergraduate tradition that would be more appropriate to a generation and a society troubled by hard times.


Author(s):  
Mathias Herup Nielsen

This article investigates different acts of political protests currently floating from unemployed citizens who are being affected by recent retrenchment policy reforms. Whereas most of the existing literature tends to portray political protest as either collective and public or individual and private, this article attempts instead to shed light on the plurality of normative resources activated by the unemployed in a highly critical situation. Thereby the analysis moves between the collective and the individual as well as between the public and the private. Using the theoretical framework developed by Laurent Thévenot and Luc Boltanski in their joint work on justification, the article analyses a specific case, namely unemployed Danish recipients of social assistance who are affected by a new policy initiative meaning that their income has been lowered. Drawing on newspaper articles and qualitative in-depth interviews with affected citizens, the analysis unfolds and theorizes upon three very different forms of protesting: a civic, an industrial and a domestic form of resistance.


Author(s):  
John S. Ahlquist ◽  
Margaret Levi

This chapter considers the possibility that political activism may yield an economic benefit to the union. To the extent that this is true, it further reinforces the rank-and-file confidence in the leadership and, consequently, the governance equilibrium leading to group-level political mobilization. The chapter specifically analyzes whether and how large-scale political actions by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF) (now merged into the Maritime Union of Australia, or MUA) could serve as signaling devices to employers when it comes time to bargain over wages. The signaling explanation may be at play in the ILWU, but only after significant technological shocks to the industry and a softening of confidence in Harry Bridges' leadership. Whereas the WWF displays no evidence that its political mobilizations are an attempt to signal solidarity or resolve to employers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (21) ◽  
pp. 9082
Author(s):  
Frédéric Vandermoere ◽  
Robbe Geerts ◽  
Raf Vanderstraeten

In this article, we address the question whether political activism can be triggered by sustainable consumption. Specific attention is given to the crowding-out and crowding-in hypotheses. The first hypothesis is driven by a conflict view as it assumes that sustainable consumerism displaces the willingness to act collectively. In contrast, the latter hypothesis—crowding-in—frames conscious consumption as a potential political act whereby individual sustainable consumption may trigger political acts such as signing a petition, demonstrating, and voting. To address this issue, German survey data were analyzed (n = 936). Our analysis appears to confirm the crowding-in hypothesis. However, the results of multiple logistic regression analyses also show that the relation between sustainable consumption and political activism depends on the type of political action. Particularly, sustainable consumption does not relate to traditional political actions such as voting, but it does relate positively to less conventional (e.g., attending a demonstration) and online forms of political engagement (e.g., social media activism). Our findings also indicate that the positive association between sustainable consumption and less conventional politics may be moderated by educational attainment, suggesting that it is weakest among less educated groups. The paper ends with the empirical and theoretical conclusions that can be drawn from this study, and indicates some directions for future research.


Author(s):  
Charles F. Andrain ◽  
David E. Apter

Author(s):  
Keren Cohen-Louck ◽  
Moshe Bensimon ◽  
Mariana Halellya Malinovsky

This pilot study examines the perceptions of Arabs living in Israel (ALI) regarding violent national-political protests (VNPP). ALI, exposed to VNPP by organizations of their own ethnic minority, are trapped in a political and cultural conflict between their state and their nation. Qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews with 15 Muslim ALI identified four possible groups presenting four types of VNPP perceptions: (a) justifiers, who regard VNPP as a legitimate means of protecting the Palestinians and who profess Palestinian identity; (b) opponents, who strongly condemn VNPP and who profess Israeli identity; (c) those understanding but disagreeing with VNPP, professing a dual Palestinian-Israeli identity; and (d) the ambivalents, representing people with internal conflicts and mixed feelings regarding the Palestinian VNPP and their own identity. The study contributes to the understanding of how a group of ALI perceives the Palestinian VNPP, and implies that this population consists of different groups, each with its own unique identity.


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