scholarly journals Pesca artesanal, patrimonio cultural y educación social.

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Gabriel López-Martínez ◽  
Pilar Espeso-Molinero
Keyword(s):  
Traditional Knowledge ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contemporary Society ◽  
Artisanal Fishing ◽  
Anthropological Study ◽  
Fisheries Policy ◽  
The Common ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
Secondary Information

En los últimos años, las comunidades europeas de pescadores han sufrido cambios estructurales importantes derivados de las distintas reformas de la Política de Pesca Común (PPC). Los instrumentos aplicados han provocado una transformación en este sector, afectando de manera significativa a las pequeñas poblaciones de pescadores. En este contexto, el estudio antropológico se presenta como una herramienta de gran valor para comprender las respuestas de individuos y comunidades a los nuevos retos. El presente trabajo, basado en información primaria y secundaria recogida en la Región de Murcia en la última década, explora algunas de estas respuestas. Los testimonios de los diferentes informantes muestran el debilitamiento de esta profesión como consecuencia de las herramientas políticas implementadas. La disminución del número de embarcaciones y de trabajadores independientes, unido a la falta de relevo generacional pone en riesgo el conocimiento tradicional de la pesca artesanal. Para reflexionar sobre el presente y el futuro de estas prácticas ancestrales, se exponen una serie de experiencias donde se presenta al pescador como intermediador o agente transmisor de conocimiento, vinculando el legado patrimonial a distintos sectores de la sociedad contemporánea. In recent years, European fishing communities have undergone major structural changes resulting from the different reforms of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). The instruments implemented have led to a transformation in this sector, affecting small fishing stocks. In this context, we present an anthropological study as a tool of great value to understand the responses of individuals and communities to new challenges. This work, based on primary and secondary information collected in the last decade in the Region of Murcia (Spain), explores some of these responses. The testimonies of the different informants show the weakening of this profession as a result of the political tools implemented. Decreasing number of boats and self-employed workers, coupled with a lack of generational replacement puts at risk traditional knowledge of artisanal fishing. To reflect on the present and future of these ancestral practices, a series of experiences are presented where the fisherman is revealed as an intermediator or transmitting agent of knowledge, linking the heritage legacy to different sectors of contemporary society.

Regimes of Memory in the Context of Autocratic Breakthroughs

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 843-849
Author(s):  
Iván Zoltán Dénes
Keyword(s):  
Global Climate ◽  
Executive Leadership ◽  
Traumatic Experiences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Cohesive Forces ◽  
Introductory Article ◽  
The Common ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
The Eu

Global climate change, migration waves, Brexit, Trump’s presidency, the politics of Putin’s Russia, the narrow-minded technocratic executive leadership of the EU, and the constitutional crisis in Spain, present old, reborn, and new challenges to the integrative and cohesive forces of the diversity and openness of Europe. The current autocratic breakthroughs in Hungary and Poland are part of these phenomena. This introductory article focuses on the common preconditions of autocratic breakthroughs, especially on the uncertainties, anxieties and fears rooted in unprocessed traumatic experiences. They have created the possibility of pitting the case of the community against the case of liberty, producing powder-kegs of political hysteria in which the political language of national egotism and regimes of memory strongly connect with each other.

Contemporary constitutionalism and the dialectic of constituent power

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRIS THORNHILL
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Contemporary Society ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Perception

AbstractThis article examines the changing status of constituent power in contemporary constitutionalism. It considers how, at face value, contemporary constitutional law reflects a post-constituent constitutional order, which is defined by a rupture with classical constitutional principles, such that the extra-legal source of constitutional order is diminished. However, it argues that the common perception of a decline in constituent power in constitutional norm construction is marked by an excessively literalistic understanding of the origins of constitutional norms and practices. As an alternative, drawing on systems-theoretical methodologies, the article proposes a functionalist, sociologically attuned reconstruction of the historical content of constitutional concepts, including the concept of constituent power. Through this perspective, it explains that constituent power, in conjunction with constitutional rights, always acted, not as an externally founding source of political agency, but as an inner projection of the political system, which served the internal organization of the political system as a distinct societal domain. The article concludes that the transnational constitutional models which are widespread in contemporary society, far from negating constituent power, re-articulate its primary functions, and they realize potentials for preserving the autonomy of the political system which constituent power always contained.

What is a Complex? Freudian Resistances

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham
Keyword(s):  
Value Theory ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Noam Chomsky ◽  
Cultural Legacy ◽  
Contemporary Science ◽  
The Common ◽  
Post War

This chapter evaluates the question of the ‘complex’ in a range of scientific, political and psychoanalytic contexts, asking not only where lines of connection and demarcation occur among specific distributions of meaning, value, theory and practice; but also probing the psychoanalytic corpus, notably Freud’s writings on the notion of a ‘complex’, in order to reframe various implications of the idea that this term tends to resist its own utilisation as both an object and form of analysis. This section establishes connections between three sets of theoretical questions: the common practice of describing modernity and its wake in terms of a drive towards increasing complexity; the meaning and cultural legacy of phrases such as ‘military-industrial complex’ and sundry derivations in the political sphere; and the intricacies and ambiguities subtending the term ‘complex’ within psychoanalytic theory. As a concept that Freud both utilised and repudiated, the provocative power of the term ‘complex’ is linked to the way it thwarts various attempts at systemization (providing nonetheless an apparatus of sorts through which contemporary science, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky, Freud, Eisenhower, and post-war politics can be articulated to one another).

“There is such a situation that Comrade Svoboda is under pressure”. The Soviet leadership and the settlement of relations with Czechoslovakia. May 1969

2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

The Political Misery of the Common Man of West Bengal

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dhrubajyoti Bhattacharjee ◽  
Pramod Kumar
Keyword(s):  
West Bengal ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Man

Searching for Political Parties in the Past

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Common

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.

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