scholarly journals Knud Rasmussen og grønlandspolitikken

Author(s):  
Knud Michelsen

Knud Michelsen: Knud Rasmussen and Greenland politics It is the general view that the polar explorer Knud Rasmussen (KR) was only involved in Greenland politics to a limited extent, i.e. the policies which Denmark as a colonial power exercised in Greenland. However, in reality, that was not the case at all. The misunderstanding has arisen firstly because the sources have not been studied in sufficient detail, secondly because KR’s opinions on Danish policies have not been given the weight they are due, and thirdly because the background for his often unconventional methods of operation has either been overlooked or simply not acknowledged. KR’s political activities manifest themselves in particular in the following contexts: after his return from the Danish Literary Expedition (1902–04), in connection with a lecture tour in West Greenland in 1909, during his participation in the Greenland Commission in 1920, in a series of articles published the same year, in a speech to the assembled Danish parliament in 1925, and during his appearance in connection with the Eastern Greenland Case in The Hague in 1933. All these are mentioned in the article in order to create an overview of how KR’s views developed. Throughout is the role which he assumed for himself as spokesman for Greenlanders and polar Eskimos, a role which at the same time prevents a more party-political or ideological involvement. In this role, he often expressed critical views of the colonial administration, largely in relation to both business policies and the lack of progress in introducing autonomy/self-government. After 1918, another political role becomes important: that of acting as a bridge-builder between Denmark and the Greenlanders. This, which partly conflicted with his role as spokesman, is behind the fact that, from the late 1920s, it is possible to observe an approximation between KR’s views and official Greenland policy, not least associated with the collaboration with Danish Prime Minister Thorvald Stauning.In particular, the article refers to a comprehensive report which, on the basis of the lecture tour in 1909, was prepared for the Danish Ministry of the Interior. The report has only recently been found, and contains a long story that looks extensively at KR’s highly charged political views, the colonial administration’s reaction to them and how some of KR’s views could be exploited by others, including the Norwegians in the Eastern Greenland Case in 1933. As the article shows, many people wanted to cite KR to support their own views. He therefore had to navigate carefully in order not to be caught up in the Danish debate and fail in his role as spokesperson. However, he was not only a spokesman, but nurtured his own vision of how Greenland should develop, linked to his role as a bridge-builder. And it was this which, at the end of the day, was the most important. Therefore, he was not a nation-builder as well.

Popular Music ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (03) ◽  
pp. 538-559
Author(s):  
Toby Martin

AbstractCountry music has a reputation for being the music of the American white working-class South and being closely aligned with conservative politics. However, country music has also been played by non-white minorities and has been a vivid way of expressing progressive political views. In the hands of the Indigenous peoples of Australia, country music has often given voice to a form of life-writing that critiques colonial power. The songs of Dougie Young, dating from the late 1950s, provide one of the earliest and most expressive examples of this use of country music. Young's songs were a type of social-realist satire and to be fully understood should be placed within the broader socio-political context of 1950s and 1960s Australia. Young's legacy was also important for Aboriginal musicians in the 1990s and the accompanying reassessment of Australia's colonial past. Country music has provided particular opportunities for minority and Indigenous groups seeking to use popular culture to tell their stories. This use of country music provides a new dimension to more conventional understandings of its political role.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 581-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey L. Goodwin

Charting the course of attitudes in Britain toward the United Nations is mainly a matter of defining small gradations within a fairly limited range, a range varying from sympathetic concern—and ritualistic commendation—at one end of the spectrum to barely dis uised indifference at the other. Among a small section of radical public opinion the Organization can still (August 1961) arouse fervent support, while the right-wing Beaverbrook press and its sympathizers lose few opportunities of pointing out its deficiencies. Nevertheless, during most of its fifteen years' existence, so far as public interest in Britain in its political activities is concerned, the limited impact the United Nations has had on most of the major issues of peace and war has discouraged “popular opinion” from waxing very enthusiastic-or bitter-about it; indeed, although a generally accepted part of international life, it has for long periods languished relatively unnoticed in a diplomatic backwater. Only at such moments of crisis as Korea, Suez, or the Congo, when the Organization has been forced into the mainstream of international politics has this rather tepid reaction been punctuated by heightened tension—and acrimony.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Glow

It has been said that the Civil War was won by committees. Recent writers on this subject have begun to show how parliamentary policy and its execution was forged in the committee chambers rather than on the crowded floor of the House of Commons. This article is concerned with the personnel of these committees, in particular with those men who were not famous for their political activities and attitudes. Obviously, a core of leaders was needed in order to direct the business of the committees, to give continuity to their proceedings and to ensure that their work was in accord with the policy of the Commons. But the political ‘parties’ were relatively small, and with all the enthusiasm in the world their members could not attend personally to all aspects of government, civil and military. This study is concerned with the men who had no known political views but who contributed a great deal of time and effort to the running of parliamentary affairs. Because of their relative obscurity in the House it will be useful to ask why they were chosen to serve on certain committees, how their background and activity compared with that of their more ‘political’ colleagues, and how they reacted to situations where they were required to take a political stand. Above all, it will be possible to judge whether these men formed a coherent group rather than a random collection of individuals. These men owed their positions to their administrative skill rather than to their political affiliations. As administrators they were responsible to the legislature, and during a time of intensified state intervention, they became analogous to a non-political civil service, ready to execute the policy decisions of the party leaders.


Prospects ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigmund Diamond

Documents in the Yale University archives - the papers of the presidents, deans, provosts, secretary of the university - show that Yale was no more insulated from the hot and cold of post-World War II politics than any other university. During the decade of 1945–55, the Yale authorities felt considerable pressure to take action concerning several appointees whose political views had been questioned by alumni, and most certainly by others as well. The New Haven Office of the FBI - and through it the national headquarters in Washington, D.C. - had been in close touch with university officials for some time and, during the last years of the regime of President Charles Seymour, knew of what it described as the Yale policy of inquiring into the political activities of faculty members prior to their appointment. As the Special Agent in Charge of the New Haven Office reported to J. Edgar Hoover on June 6, 1949, “The position of Yale University is apparently swinging around to the point… that it is much better to look men over and know exactly what they are before they are appointed, and that it is much easier to get rid of them by not appointing them than after they have been once appointed.”


Author(s):  
Vitalii Vyshynskyi

Relevance of the study. The work of Louis Andriessen, a Dutch composer, is regarded as a significant contribution to the formation of music culture of the second half of the 20th century. Despite his influence, however, there are practically no research papers in domestic musicology that would analyze Andriessen’s work and personality or his professional musical and political activities. One of the main research topics related to Andriessen’s work is the influence of politics on music. The topic itself is quite particular and somewhat controversial because it always leaves a lot of questions that need further clarification, may require a different perspective and a new approach. One of such questions with a controversial view is a discussion of how compositional techniques can be influenced by and formed based upon the composer’s political views. Main objective of the study. Taking into consideration Louis Andriessen’s own experiences, analyze how his compositional techniques created political content of his works, and particularly the writing of the cantata “De Staat” (“The Republic”) by Plato. Methods. The following were used in the research analysis: biographical (in the analyses of the style and work of the composer); historical (in the analyses of the cultural and socio-political context); comparative (in the analyses of the political and aesthetic views and standpoints of artists); analytical (in the analyses of the musical works). Results/findings and conclusions. There were several reasons that led Louis Andriessen to appeal to minimalism. The main reason was the composer’s desire to respond to his fellow composers that themselves were searching for their own applicable techniques and style to disseminate political ideas. Minimalism was particularly attractive to the composer because it was relevant, easily accessible to the general public, and reflective. At the same time, it was politically appropriate and democratic. The musical and political activism of Andriessen was aimed at creating a new type of communication and relationships between a composer and a performer, a performer and audience, and ultimately at creating a new musical community. This new type of communication and community is reflected in the composer’s work “The Republic”. For performers in particular, “The Republic” became a practical exercise similar to the style of Lehrstück B. Brecht, which allowed performers to adapt to new musical interactions proposed by the composer. Andriessen was able to achieve this goal by using hocket techniques — i. e., by removing the role inequality among performers and emphasizing the expressive importance of each performer in a musical composition. However, Andriessen’s compositional techniques used in “The Republic” to reflect his political views did not support, but rather emphasized the composer’s contradictory political position and in particular his binary position to Plato’s views on the place of music in politics. Nevertheless, it was “The Republic” that started the creation of a unique performance and approach in musical composition called “Andriessen’s approach”, which would successfully combine minimalism with traditional European compositional techniques, modern and experimental techniques, and components of music at large. At the very end, the unique combination of the aforementioned compositional techniques is what identifies the specificity of the content of Andriessen’s music. Significance of these results consists in the point of view on the question of how a compositional technique forms political content in the music written by Louis Andriessen


Author(s):  
A. D. Kaksin

The article gives a general view of the modern Koibal dialect of the Khakass language. The history of studying Koibal speech includes several stages. In the 18th and early 19th centuries, the first evidence of the people living at the mouth of the Abakan River and their language, was collected. Some interesting records were made by G. Miller, P. Pallas, G. Spassky, some other scientists and travelers. Comparing the people under study with other peoples inhabiting the Minusinsk Hollow at that time allowed defining quite a large number of peoples in this area (including Koibals) to be Samoyeds speaking languages with one common property: these are different versions of the Turkic type language. In other words, in that period already, the assimilation of Samoyeds languages by Turkic languages was underway. The article then provides an assessment of the main work of an outstanding Finno-Ugrist and Altaist Mathias-Alexander Castren in linguistic Turkology − a brief grammar of Koibal and Karagas dialects (published in 1857), with notes made by the prominent orientalist Nikolai Katanov to the text by Kastren taken into account. In the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries, the information on the Koibal dialect and other linguistic formations of this part of Southern Siberia was systematized by L. P. Potapov, N. A. Baskakov in the Khakass-Russian dictionary (1953) and an essay by S. I. Weinstein. Later, when the study of South Siberian languages was put on a serious scientific and organizational basis, the Koibal dialect, like other territorial varieties of the Khakass language, was described in sufficient detail by V. G. Karpov, M. I. Borgoyakov, D. F. Patachakova, O. P. Anzhzhanova, in Grammatik and the Khakass-Russian dictionary (2006). Finally, some lexical and grammatical phenomena in modern Koibal dialect are considered, and a scheme (model) of language interaction that resulted in the Koibal dialect of the Khakass language is introduced.


TAJDID ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Santosa Irfaan

This article examines the process of institutionalizing Sufism into a movement or organization of tarekat. Through a study of relevant literature, it was found that the tarekat (tharîqah) as a part of Sufism (Islamic mysticism) has developed since the 13th century, not long after the Mongolian armies conquered and destroyed Baghdad, Iraq. In its history, there have been internal excessive behaviours among the followers. Fortunately, tharîqah in some places and periods has encouraged people to be more or less innovators in struggling to fight the colonial power embracing different religions and also the Moslem people, as their protests, having cooperation with the former, the colonial power. After the Independence of Indonesia, some tharîqah activists in their articulation of political activities became functionaries of political parties. To them, power or authority was not their political barometer. It was only a means or medium of da’wah, the basic characteristics of Islam.


Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kislitsyn ◽  
Inna G. Kislitsyna

The article analyzes the socio-political activities of the writer F. Kryukov and the evolution of his views. While working as a history and geography teacher, he sharply criticized and publicly evaluated the capabilities of the state education system. During the 1905 revolution, he was a Deputy of the 1st State Duma, the founder of the party of People's Socialism, and opposed the participation of the Cossacks in suppressing the revolution. During the Stolypin reaction, he published his stories about the Cossacks in the neonational magazine “Russian Wealthˮ and was criticized by V. I. Lenin. During the First world war, Kryukov acted as a supporter of “war to the bitter endˮ and became a supporter of conservative political views. After February, he re-entered political life. In April 1917, he was a delegate to the Military Congress in Novocherkassk and a candidate for the Constituent Assembly from the Don Army. Kryukov did not accept the October revolution and the idea of social equality and categorically condemned it. He became a Deputy and Secretary of the Military Circle and editor of the newspaper “Don Statementsˮ, where he published more than 30 articles and essays about the White Movement and the Cossacks. His journalism of the period demonstrated the ultra-pedigree position of the representative of the vendean part of the Cossacks. Kryukov became a counterrevolutionary, abandoning the people's socialist ideals. This transformation of worldview values was logical, since it was based on the Cossack self-consciousness and self-perception laid down from childhood and youth. At every stage of evolution as a politician, Kryukov was a prominent figure in public life, which makes him one of the most prominent figures of the Don land.


Author(s):  
Irina L. Babich

The aim of this article is to study the social and political activities of one of the Ossetian emigration figures of the 1920s. - Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev (1891–1983) - a representative of a large and authoritative family in Ossetia. This research was based on the published and archival materials collected in Russia and France. In modern Caucasian studies, there is still not enough study connecting with the period of the first wave of emigration of the North Caucasian highlanders in the 1920s–1930s. to Europe. The life of M.N. Abatsiev in France (from 1925 to 1983) was very unique. The aim of this article is to examine the foundations of the socio-political views by Abatsiev. He understood the historical processes on the North Caucasus connecting with Russia very good. The author concludes about the life of Abatsiev among the highlanders of the North Caucasus, who supported not him, but the idea of ​​a Confederation of independent Сaucasian states. There were many highlanders-nationalists in Europe. They were active. There were also many highlanders who supported the idea of the North Caucasus in the Russian state, but they were mostly not active, because they were afraid that them would call “Russians.” The author identifies three key aspects of the socio-political views by M.N. Abatsiev: common Caucasian solidarity, the ability of the highlanders of the North Caucasus to create the independent state, the role of Russia in the development of the North Caucasus. In this article was study all these views in the context of the socio-political positions of other North Caucasian emigrants in France in the 1920s–1930s. Military and legal thinking of M.N. Abatsiev did not allow him to fantasize about the “independence of the North Caucasus.” The author separately examines the activities of M.N. Abatsiev in the Republican Democratic Party of M.N. Milyukov. He was a member of this party in France.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Б. Александров ◽  
B. Aleksandrov

Traditionally, the offi cer corps plays a crucial role in the formation and the protection of Russian statehood. In this regard, the analysis of the process of socio-political traditions of Russian offi cers on the example of General A.A. Brusilov causes well-founded academic interest. The article reveals the features of the socio-political views of General Brusilov A.A. on the background of a series of major historical events in the history of Russia has started XX century: World War I, the revolutionary and civil war General Service in the Red Army. Despite the crisis of power and change of social formations in the State in its socio-political activities of Aleksey Alekseevich Brusilov primarily relied on the State’s goals and interests.


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