Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev: some aspects of social and political activity in emigration

Author(s):  
Irina L. Babich

The aim of this article is to study the social and political activities of one of the Ossetian emigration figures of the 1920s. - Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev (1891–1983) - a representative of a large and authoritative family in Ossetia. This research was based on the published and archival materials collected in Russia and France. In modern Caucasian studies, there is still not enough study connecting with the period of the first wave of emigration of the North Caucasian highlanders in the 1920s–1930s. to Europe. The life of M.N. Abatsiev in France (from 1925 to 1983) was very unique. The aim of this article is to examine the foundations of the socio-political views by Abatsiev. He understood the historical processes on the North Caucasus connecting with Russia very good. The author concludes about the life of Abatsiev among the highlanders of the North Caucasus, who supported not him, but the idea of ​​a Confederation of independent Сaucasian states. There were many highlanders-nationalists in Europe. They were active. There were also many highlanders who supported the idea of the North Caucasus in the Russian state, but they were mostly not active, because they were afraid that them would call “Russians.” The author identifies three key aspects of the socio-political views by M.N. Abatsiev: common Caucasian solidarity, the ability of the highlanders of the North Caucasus to create the independent state, the role of Russia in the development of the North Caucasus. In this article was study all these views in the context of the socio-political positions of other North Caucasian emigrants in France in the 1920s–1930s. Military and legal thinking of M.N. Abatsiev did not allow him to fantasize about the “independence of the North Caucasus.” The author separately examines the activities of M.N. Abatsiev in the Republican Democratic Party of M.N. Milyukov. He was a member of this party in France.

Kavkazologiya ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 154-170
Author(s):  
I.L. BABICH ◽  
◽  
J. SCHNELLE ◽  

The aim of this article is study social and political activities by ingush Jamal Albogachiev (1894–1949). This is the first study of this person. This article is based on the archives from France and Germany. Albogachiev was educated in Europe, knew European languages, and became a member of the Foreign Delegation of the Mountain Republic (Versailles, 1919). He married a German woman from Berlin. In 1921–1928 he and his family lived in Germany. In France (1929–1942) Albogaciev lived alone. He collaborated with many public figures: Ali Mardan Topchibashi, brothers Vassan-Girey and Mohammed-Girey Dzhabagiyev. At the same time he worked as a dancer in russian cabarets in Paris. In 1942–1945 Jamal was in Germany, where he became a member of the North Caucasian National Committee. After returning to France, the police investigated the reasons for his stay in Germany. As a result, Jamal was forced to leave for Morocco in 1948, where he died next year. The study of the life of Jamal Albogachiev, his socio-political views and activities showed that his fate was dramatic. Having received an excellent European education and knowledge of European languages, having got to Europe, he could not realize his intellectual potential, couldn’t make a career in Europe. He had the views of the creation of an independent state in the North Caucasus. However, he didn’t become an active member of the most famous and largest emigre movements of the North Caucasus. Despite the fact that he was part of the political North Caucasian elite, he was most often used in secondary or third roles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-180
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Eliseev

The paper analyzes published and archival documents, periodical materials, and memoirs of contemporaries; it is devoted to the socio-political activities of the member of the Samara Zemstvo Council, one of the organizers of the Samara Provincial and Buzuluk Uyezd Committees of the Constitutional Democratic Party, deputy of the first State Duma of the Russian Empire, Vasily Andreevich Plemyannikov. The author examines the work of V.A. Plemyannikov in the Zemstvo institutions of the Samara province and All-Russian Zemstvo Congresses, where he studied the situation in the region, gained rich experience in social activities, and formed his political views. The paper also contains an overview of Plemyannikovs relations with Central authorities and regional public organizations. The author argues that the years of the first Russian revolution became the peak of Plemyannikovs social and political activity. The paper is focused on the active participation of V.A. Plemyannikov in the State Duma election campaign and the organization of the local branch of the Constitutional Democratic Party in Buzuluk Uyezd. Due to his active propaganda work and political significance in the province, Plemyannikov was elected to the State Duma. In addition to the reconstruction of political activity of V.A. Plemyannikov, the paper introduces previously unknown biographical data.


Author(s):  
James H. Meyer

The history of Muslim populations in Russia and other former republics of the Soviet Union is long and varied. In a Pew–Templeton poll conducted in Russia in 2010, 10 percent of respondents stated that their religion was Islam, while Muslims also make up a majority of the population in six post-Soviet republics: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Muslims have long lived in regions across Russia, with far-flung communities ranging from distant outposts of Siberia to western cities like Moscow and St. Petersburg. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were more Muslims in the Russian Empire than there were in Iran or the Ottoman Empire, the two largest independent Muslim-majority states in the world at the time. Historically, the Muslim communities of Russia have been concentrated in four main regions: the Volga–Ural region in central Russia, the Crimea, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. While Muslim communities across former Soviet space share both differences and similarities with one another with regard to language and religious practices, their respective relations with the various Russian states that have existed over the years have varied. Moreover, Russian and Soviet policymaking toward all of these communities has shifted considerably from one era, and one ruler, to another. Throughout the imperial and Soviet eras, and extending into the post-Soviet era up to the present day, therefore, the existence of variations with regard to both era and region remains one of the most enduring legacies of Muslim–state interactions. Muslims in Russia vary by traditions, language, ethnicity, religious beliefs, and practices, and with respect to their historical interactions with the Russian state. The four historically Muslim-inhabited regions were incorporated into the Russian state at different points during its imperial history, often under quite sharply contrasting sets of conditions. Today most, but not all, Muslims in Russia and the rest of the former USSR are Sunni, although the manner and degree to which religion is practiced varies greatly among both communities and individuals. With respect to language, Muslim communities in Russia have traditionally been dominated demographically by Turkic speakers, although it should be noted that most Turkic languages are not mutually comprehensible in spoken form. In the North Caucasus and Tajikistan, the most widely spoken indigenous languages are not Turkic, although in these areas there are Turkic-speaking minorities. Another important feature of Muslim–state interactions in Russia is their connection to Muslims and Muslim-majority states beyond Russia’s borders. Throughout the imperial era, Russia’s foreign policymaking vis-à-vis the Ottoman Empire and Iran was often intimately connected to domestic policymaking toward Muslim communities inside Russia. While this was a less pronounced feature of Moscow’s foreign policymaking during the Soviet era, in the post-Soviet era, policymaking toward Muslims domestically has once again become more closely linked to Russia’s foreign policy goals.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Julia Biryukova

The review is devoted to Vladimir Borisovich Lobanov's monograph “Terek and Dagestan in the Flames of Civil War: Religious, military-political and ideological Confrontation in the 1917—1920s”, which touches on all the most important aspects of life in the North Caucasus in the era of revolution and Civil War. There is a serious source base of the study, which has absorbed, perhaps, a critical mass of documents on the problem, which allowed us to draw convincing conclusions. Lobanov highlighted the key aspects of the chosen topic: the development of autonomous self-government institutions in the North Caucasus against the background of the collapse of statehood, the Islamic factor in the Civil War, the emergence and activity of the spectrum of anti-Bolshevik forces, the role of the Cossacks and the Volunteer Army in military-political processes in the region. He also pays attention to the revolutionaries who played a significant role in the establishment of Soviet power in the region, analyzes the reasons for the victory of the Bolsheviks in the North Caucasus.


Author(s):  
Bronwen Everill

Saint-Louis is an island at the mouth of the Senegal River. Called Ndar by local Wolof speakers, the island became the focal point of French (and for a time, British) commercial and political activities in the region. The French established a fort on the north side of the island in 1659. The island passed back and forth between French and British authority throughout the 18th century, with France regaining the colony finally in 1817, at which point it became the administrative center of the colony of Senegal. Men and women from the mainland also moved to the island, and by the late 18th century it had grown into an important commercial hub of the trade in enslaved captives, as well as, increasingly, gum. Crucial to the conduct of trade and the running of the island were the group of women called signares, many of whom were married to French or British traders, and their descendants, who came to be called habitants. As the slave trade was replaced by gum trading and, later, groundnuts, the habitants managed their position as middlemen and women between the hinterland production and French traders. Senegal’s commerce, and the role of Saint-Louis in mediating it, make up a large part of the literature on Saint-Louis’s place in the Atlantic world. By 1848, with the abolition of enslaved labor in the French empire, new debates about Senegalese participation in the governance of Saint-Louis were emerging. Habitants had participated in partial governance of the colony, with the first habitant mayor of Saint-Louis elected in 1778. As the capital of the expanding French empire in West Africa it became an important site of political activity, in addition to its military and (declining) commercial roles. The result of these debates was the partial enfranchisement of newly created French citizens in the quatre communes of Saint-Louis, Gorée, Dakar, and Rufisque in 1848. Senegal first sent an elected representative to the French parliament from 1848 to 1852, again from 1871 to 1875, and then from 1879 to 1940. In 1916, citizenship rights were extended beyond the évolué populations to the wider group of originaires who maintained legal protections under Islamic or African law. Participation and resistance in the imperial project thus emerge as major themes of the literature on later-19th- and 20th-century Saint-Louis. Throughout the whole period of Atlantic engagement, the existence of Islamic reform movements in the wider Senegambian region played an important role in the politics and social movements of Saint-Louis’s hinterland in ways that shaped the city’s relationship with both the French and the Islamic reformers.


Author(s):  
Iryna Muzyka

The scientific achievements and social and political activity of Sergiy Shelukhin and its influence on the formation of the concept of independent state of Ukraine in the political and legal thought and state-making practice of the governments and political figures of the UNR, the Directory and public political organizations of Ukrainian political emigration are considered. The figure of Sergiy Shelukhin in the history of Ukraine has been symbolic for over a century, as his scientific and socio-political activities have largely contributed to the restoration of the sovereign right of the Ukrainian people to an independent state. His conception of Ukrainian statehood, the origin of the name "Ukraine" is today an integral part of the ideological basis for determining priority directions in contemporary Ukrainian politics, in the context of building an independent independent Ukraine, in terms of forming state ideology and national dignity. In the period of national liberation competitions the main topic of scientific research of the scientist was the origin of the Ukrainian state. It was his intelligence that formed the basis for memoranda, statements, and international treaties of the time. Shelukhin proved that for the Ukrainian people the right of state sovereignty was restored not only as a result of the renunciation of the tsar and release from the oath of nationality, but also on the contractual grounds of the act of 1654 connection between Ukraine and Russia, since this connection was only the face of the tsar-protector. Thus, on February 28, 1917, the Ukrainian people, on the basis of their historical rights and legal consequences, renounced the tsar and exempted him from the oath by legal means, regained his sovereignty over himself and his Ukrainian statehood. Scientist in historical monographs "Where does Russia come from:" Names: Rus, Galicia, Ukraine and Little Russia "(1928)," The Theory of Celtic Origin of Kievan Rus from France "(1929)," Ukraine - the Name of Our Land from the Ancient Times "(1936) for the first time explores the problem of the origin of the terms "Rus", "Ukraine", "Russia", "Mala Rus". These studies have played and play an extremely important role in refuting political speculation and falsification regarding the origin of Ukrainians and the emergence of Ukrainian statehood. During his life, S. Shelukhin's works have gained recognition among lawyers, historians, and political figures both in Ukraine and abroad.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 247
Author(s):  
Valery S. Misakov ◽  
Anzor V. Misakov ◽  
Lisa A. Tsurova ◽  
Moussa A. Eskiyev ◽  
Zarema M. Ilayeva

<p>In this article, the problems of territorial alignment asymmetry of the depressive republics in the North Caucasus are considered. It is proved that while making the integrated assessment for the involvement efficiency of factors into the conditions of the market relations and economic development of the region for providing set social results, it is possible to consider the level of social and economic development of the region of the Russian Federation. For these purposes it is expedient to use two complex indicators reflecting key aspects of territorial development: economic development level of the territory; social development level of the territory.</p>


Author(s):  
Olga Brusina

The article is devoted to the role of Islam in culture and social life of the Turkmen of southern Russia. The study is based on the author's field materials collected in 2007–2015 in the Stavropol and Astrakhan Regions. The ethnic group of the Russian Turkmen was formed in the XVII–XIX centuries and currently counts about 17,000 people. The Turkmen are Sunni Muslims, most of their customs and rituals are associated with Muslim prayers and symbolism. At the same time, the Turkmen are not among the zealous Muslims, in their spiritual culture there are folk customs and beliefs that are very superficially associated with Islam. In the Soviet period, the Russian Turkmen maintained their religion, secretly carried out Islamic rites and rules, despite the anti-religious state policy. Currently, the religiousness of the Turkmen varies greatly, but almost all families hold major religious ceremonies. Mosques play the role of community centers, social life in the Turkmen settlements is closely intertwined with religious life, and the mullahs are local leaders and take part in self-government bodies. Propaganda of fundamentalist Islam has not bypassed the Turkmen, as many regions of the North Caucasus. A peculiar situation has developed: young people have become involved in religion much more than old honored people, educated in the Soviet ideals. Residents of the Turkmen settlements and imams of mosques are trying to resist the spread of fundamentalist ideas. The situation is particularly difficult in the Stavropol Territory; so the regional administration is trying to control any cultural and religious activities on the ground, sometimes suspecting “Wahhabi sentiments” among quite loyal citizens, such as the Turkmen. It is important that the Turkmen are almost the only people of this region who, traditionally practicing Islam, retain complete loyalty to the Russian population and the Russian state


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2(22)) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Rajabovich Hasanov Magomed ◽  
Shakhrubika Israpilovna Israpilova

The article considers the issues of Russian-Dagestan relations in the late XVIII — early XIX centuries on the basis of sources and literature. The process of integration of the peoples of the North Caucasus into the centralized multinational Russian state was repeatedly interrupted and delayed by the intervention of Turkish and Iranian invaders in the internal affairs of the highlanders.


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