scholarly journals Det perverse artefakt. Konflikt og erindringer i spanske tegneserier

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (111) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Anne Magnussen

THE PERVERSE ARTIFACT. CONFLICT AND MEMOIRS IN SPANISH CARTOON SERIESWithin the last 10 to 15 years, the Spanish debate about historical memory has gained much force, with a specific focus on memories of the Civil War (1936-39) and of the succeeding dictatorship that ended with a process of democratization at the end of the 1970s. Although the big Spanish political parties disagree on several memory related issues, they agree that the main objective is to secure a reconciliation of the Spanish population that – at least according to some parties, organisations and analysts – is still divided by the memories of the Civil War and the repressive Francoist dictatorship. Spanish comics from the end of the 1990s and the 2000s question the common and coherent narrative of the War and the dictatorship that is implied in this idea of reconciliation. This article offers an example of the ways in which the comics do this by activating two interconnected strategies. First, the comics destabilize place and narrative structure, andsecondly, they suggest that madness and a perverted gaze are the only sensible perspectives from which to contemplate Spain’s repressive and violent past. The analysis draws on the context of both the memory debate and the development within the Spanish and international comics field.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kaliel

The articles published in our Fall 2016 edition are connected loosely under the themes of public memory and the uses of identity in the past. We are thrilled to present to you three excellent articles in our Fall 2016 edition: The article "Dentro de la Revolución: Mobilizing the Artist in Alfredo Sosa Bravo's Libertad, Cultura, Igualdad (1961)" analyzes Cuban artwork as multi-layered work of propaganda whose conditions of creation, content, and exhibition reinforce a relationship of collaboration between artists and the state-run cultural institutions of post-revolutionary Cuba; moving through fifty years of history “’I Shall Never Forget’: The Civil War in American Historical Memory, 1863-1915" provides a captivating look at the role of reconciliationist and emancipationist intellectuals, politicians, and organizations as they contested and shaped the enduring memory of the Civil War; and finally, the article “Politics as Metis Ethnogenesis in Red River: Instrumental Ethnogenesis in the 1830s and 1840s in Red River” takes the reader through a historical analysis of the development of the Metis identity as a means to further their economic rights. We wholly hope you enjoy our Fall 2016 edition as much as our staff has enjoyed curating it. Editors  Jean Middleton and Emily Kaliel Assistant Editors Magie Aiken and Hannah Rudderham Senior Reviewers Emily Tran Connor Thompson Callum McDonald James Matiko Bronte Wells


Author(s):  
Cassandra L. Yacovazzi

Nuns in popular media today are a staple of kitsch culture, evident in the common appearance of bobble-head nuns, nun costumes, and nun caricatures on TV, movies, and the stage. Nun stereotypes include the sexy vixen, the naïve innocent, and the scary nun. These types were forged in nineteenth-century convent narratives. While people today may not recognize the name “Maria Monk,” her legacy lives on in the public imagination. There may be no demands to search convents, but nuns and monastic life are nevertheless generally not taken seriously. This epilogue traces opposition to nuns from the Civil War to the present, analyzing the various images of nuns in popular culture as they relate to the antebellum campaign against convents. It argues that the source of the misunderstanding about nuns is rooted in the inability to categorize these women either as traditional wives and mothers or as secular, career-driven singles.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Matteo Bonotti

This chapter rejects the ‘extrinsic’ view of public reason examined in Chapter 4, and argues that political parties can play an important role in helping citizens to relate their comprehensive doctrines to political liberal values and institutions. Once we understand the distinctive normative demands of partisanship, this chapter claims, we can see that there is no inherent tension between them and the demands of the Rawlsian overlapping consensus. This is because partisanship (unlike factionalism) involves a commitment to the common good rather than the sole advancement of merely partial interests, and this implies a commitment to public reasoning. The chapter further examines three distinctive empirical features of parties that particularly enable them to contribute to an overlapping consensus. These are their linkage function, their advancement of broad multi-issue political platforms, and their creative agency.


Slavic Review ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venelin I. Ganev

Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
María José Gamundi ◽  
Imma Hernan ◽  
María Martínez-Gimeno ◽  
Miquel Maseras ◽  
Blanca García-Sandoval ◽  
...  

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Alexis Peri

AbstractThis article examines the everyday practices of historical reflection, recollection, and reconstruction as revealed in diaries of the Leningrad Blockade. In particular, it focuses on how Leningraders who chose to keep diaries of their experiences worked to make sense of the siege by situating it historically and comparing it to two other historical moments, the blockade of Petrograd during the Civil War and the siege of Sevastopol' during the Crimean War. Their evaluations of these historical analogies were based on a combination of personal and collective memories as well as on their understandings of state-sanctioned accounts of these events. Ultimately, these historical refl ections alerted the diarists to what they came to see as the unique and incomparable aspects of Blockade.


Author(s):  
Durba Banerjee

RESUMEN España ha visto una nueva ola de literatura publicada en la primera década de este siglo que trata el tema de la Guerra Civil y que se nutre de las preocupaciones y debates que rodean al movimiento de la recuperación de la memoria de la guerra y la posguerra. Este trabajo pretende indagar en la representación de la Guerra Civil en la novela histórica en particular, centrándose en su estructura narrativa fragmentada. El artículo reconoce la yuxtaposición de diferentes elementos del discurso político, periodístico y historiográfico dentro de las narrativas histórico-ficcionales y la estudia según la idea posmoderna de fragmentación. A manera de ejemplo, toma el caso de dos escritores – Javier Cercas y Alberto Méndez – y sus obras Soldados de Salamina (2001) y El impostor (2014), y Los girasoles ciegos (2004) respectivamente. Se utilizan los ejemplos tomados de las tres novelas históricas contemporáneas para demostrar cómo los textos se convierten en sitios de recuperación de la memoria de la guerra y en herramientas de una reconstrucción novedosa pero crítica de la historia de España mediante la adopción de la fragmentación de manera textual, temática y discursiva. ABSTRACT Spain has witnessed a new wave of literature published in the first decade of this century that deals with the theme of the Civil War and that draws upon the concerns and debates surrounding the movement of recover the memory of the war and the postwar. This work attempts to analyze the representation of the Civil War in the historical novel in particular by focusing on its fragmented narrative structure. The article acknowledges the juxtaposition of different elements from political, journalistic and historiographic discourse within the historical-fictional narratives and studies it according to the postmodern idea of fragmentation. For the purpose of explanation, it takes the case of two writers – Javier Cercas and Alberto Méndez – and their works Soldados de Salamina (2001) y El impostor (2014), and Los girasoles ciegos (2004) respectively. The examples taken from the three contemporary historical novels are used to demonstrate how the texts become sites of recovery of the memory of the war and tools of a novel yet critical reconstruction of the history of Spain by adopting textual, thematic and argumentative fragmentation.


Author(s):  
Durba Banerjee

Abstract: 21st century Spain has witnessed a re-awakening of the past with Zapatero’s Historical Memory Law legislated in 2007 and a clamor to re-visit the Civil War (1936-39) and the Transition period with a critical stance. This new historical conscious has also resulted in a new wave of literature published on the Civil War. The objective of this paper is to explore how a work like Riña de Gatos. Madrid 1936 challenges the traditional boundaries of what is known as Civil War literature in Spain. The paper would encompass a thorough reading of the work authored by Eduardo Mendoza. In the process, it shall demonstrate the ability of this contemporary historical novel to transcend the boundaries of Civil War literature through a "rediscovery" of the Falange leader, Primo de Rivera (1903 – 1936) who was instrumental in the coup of 1936. Reseña: La España del siglo XXI ha atestiguado una vuelta del pasado con la Ley de Memoria Histórica de Zapatero (2007) y un clamor de retomar la Guerra Civil (1936-39) y el período de la Transición desde una postura crítica. Esta nueva consciencia histórica también ha resultado en una nueva ola de literatura publicada sobre la Guerra Civil. El objetivo de este trabajo es explorar cómo la obra Riña de Gatos. Madrid 1936 (2010) desafía los límites tradicionales de lo que se conoce como literatura de la Guerra Civil en España. El trabajo pretende una lectura detallada de esta obra de Eduardo Mendoza. En el proceso, demostraría su capacidad de trascender los límites de la literatura de la Guerra Civil a través de un "redescubrimiento" del líder de Falange, Primo de Rivera (1903 - 1936), que jugó un papel fundamental en el golpe de estado de 1936.


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