scholarly journals Wie die Neue Rechte den Flüchtlingsdiskurs mitprägt – ein Versuch einer wortorientierten Diskursanalyse anhand Junger Freiheit und Compact

2019 ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
Sebastian Maślanka

Assuming an active role of language in profiling the reality of a given discourse, the article presents characteristic discursive practices used by the media related to the German New Right when referring to the migration crisis and refugees. Based on the DIMEAN model, the online magazines of Junge Freiheit and Compact were analyzed accordingly.

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-85
Author(s):  
Suada A. Dzogovic ◽  
◽  
Vehbi Miftari ◽  

The topic of this article presents communication challenges and the role of the media in constructing an image of migrants and refugees as “the others” in our societies today. The article analyses the migrant situation in South-Eastern Europe, specifically in migration crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina that has been going on since 2018. The aim is to present the basic aspects of this issue and offer answers to key questions - who are migrants and refugees, what’s their own identity, from which countries do they come, how do they cross the border, where do they go, what is the state’s attitude towards them, what forms and channels of communication the state and other stakeholders use toward them, who cares for them, what do they preserve from their national, cultural and/or language identities and how do they construct self-identity and confront with the “hosting identities”, who donates funds for migration management and how they are managed? Also, a special focus of the research will be on the human rights of migrants and refugees in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is the subject of various discussions - both within the country itself and among various humanitarian, governmental and non-governmental international organizations in the EU and beyond.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

Political communication is becoming increasingly mediatized. Mediatization refers both to a gradual increase in the role of the media in political communication and the spillover effects that this increase has had on the way politics takes place and is organized and relatedly, the performance of political leadership. Of particular importance for political leadership styles is the surge of drama politics, the fragmentation of political communication and the active role of citizens in political communication. Chapter 9’s typology of democratic political leadership performance lays the ground for an analysis of how paternalist, populist, engaged, and interactive political leadership styles are affected by the increased mediatization. The analysis suggests that an interactive political leadership style is more viable than the other three political leadership styles to patterns of mediatization in the age of governance.


Author(s):  
TROELS BØGGILD ◽  
LENE AARØE ◽  
MICHAEL BANG PETERSEN

Widespread distrust in politicians is often attributed to the way elites portray politics to citizens: the media, competing candidates, and foreign governments are largely considered responsible for portraying politicians as self-interested actors pursuing personal electoral and economic interests. This article turns to the mass level and considers the active role of citizens in disseminating such information. We build on psychological research on human cooperation, holding that people exhibit an interpersonal transmission bias in favor of information on the self-interested, antisocial behavior of others to maintain group cooperation. We posit that this transmission bias extends to politics, causing citizens to disproportionally disseminate information on self-interested politicians through interpersonal communication and, in turn, contributes to distrust in politicians and policy disapproval. We support these predictions using novel experimental studies, allowing us to observe transmission rates and opinion effects in actual communication chains. The findings have implications for understanding and accommodating political distrust.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-710 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Gingras

Résumé.Dans ce texte, nous tentons d'évaluer le rôle sociopolitique des journalistes en posant les éléments fondamentaux d'une conceptualisation du rôle des médias en démocratie et en analysant les résultats d'une recherche empirique sur l'engagement des journalistes envers la démocratie menée de l'été 2008 au printemps 2010. Notre étude prend appui sur la dichotomie entre un rôle actif des médias et un rôle instrumental face au système politique, dichotomie que nous faisons porter sur les journalistes. Nous prétendons que les médias et les journalistes jouent le rôle de « médiateurs » dans les sociétés libérales, c'est-à-dire d'agents individuels ou collectifs par qui transitent des messages explicites ou implicites; ces agents ajoutent une couche de sens par diverses méthodes dont la sélection des nouvelles, la hiérarchisation des sujets ou le cadrage de personnes ou d'événements.Abstract.This paper aims to assess the sociopolitical role of journalists through a conceptual approach linking media and democracy and through an analysis of the data resulting from an investigation of journalists' commitment to democracy that was conducted from the summer of 2008 to the spring of 2010. Our study is founded on the dichotomy between an active role for the media and an instrumental one in the face of the political system, and this dichotomy is applied to journalists. We believe that the media and journalists function as “mediators” in liberal societies, that is, as individual or collective agents through whom explicit or implicit messages pass; these agents add a layer of signification by diverse methods, among which are the selection of news, the categorization of issues or the framing of individuals or events.


The Handbook of Migration Crises runs the gamut of situations that are constructed as crises in migration contexts around the globe, historically and contemporaneously. The volume deconstructs and questions representations of migrations as crises, examining how crises arise, what is a crisis, and how this concept is used in the media and politics in transit and receiving countries. As a whole, the volume unveils the structural forces and actors that contribute to the construction of migration crises. It highlights the role of the media and public officials in framing migratory flows as crises, revisits and redefines, through a critical lens, what is commonly understood as a “migration crisis.” The volume brings together an exceptional group of scholars from around the world to critically examine migration crises and to revisit the notion of crisis through the prism of the context in which permanent and non-permanent migration flows occur.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolina Borčić ◽  
Sara Glavač

This article analyses links between the archetypal myths in Croatian news stories and images of woman politicians transferring through the media to the public. A total of 73 articles have been empirically analysed using content analysis to identify master myths according to Jack Lule’s classification in Croatian news articles about the migration crisis 2015. The analysis covers the period from 31 July 2015 to 8 November 2015. The articles have been selected by searching web extension of the newspapers Jutarnji list, Večernji list and 24sata from 31 July 2015 to 8 November 2015. The data has been selected, coded and analysed per chosen woman politicians, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, Vesna Pusić, Mirela Holy, Ruža Tomašić and Milanka Opačić. The results show that the dominant myth in all analysed statements is the myth of a good mother. In doing so, the use of lexemes indicates a stereotyped and idealized social role of a woman who cares for and protects ‘her family’. Two framing perspectives are evident: one is a patriarchal, protective and defensive attitude towards migrants, while the other is humanitarian, based on a positive attitude towards migrants. The article’s value is that it provides a perspective on mythological narration within media texts, whereby the mythological narration could be used as a tool for stereotypical and ideological construction on politician’s images in the media.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Magdy Mohamed Abdel Jawad Al Dagher

This study aims to identify how Arab press deals with issues of tolerance and ways of addressing the Other. The study traces this theme in some of the major Arab daily newspapers inside and outside the Arab world. These newspapers are: Al-Ahram, Al- Riyadh, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, and Al-Hayat. The study argues that the media alone do not create the image or even attempt to change it. In fact, there are other institutions that strive to do this. In all societies, there are institutions that actually provide the raw material which is then used to form the desired stereotypical image of individuals, societies, countries, and institutions. The media then seize this material, forge it and integrate it with framed media packages that are then used as ready-made recipes to produce, alter or reinforce these stereotypes in which the Other is always an embedded element. The study recommends that Arab media need to develop awareness among Arab citizens through enhancing positive principles and values that contribute to the social cohesion of the society. They also need to stress the issue of identity and encourage an active role of individuals in issues of common social interest. They need to promote a culture of acceptance of the Other, however different that Other might be. 


Intersections ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Anna Vancsó ◽  
Zoltán Kmetty

In crises, the importance of solidarity becomes crucial. Religious organizations, as members of civil society, have an essential role in promoting and participating in solidarity action. Dominant religious organizations thus can have the power to shape the image of solidarity in a crisis and, by creating a dominant narrative, to strengthen their social position. In times of crisis, hidden religious narratives could gain visibility, and religious authority could also gain more power. But in the previous migration crisis, religious actors failed to fulfill their solidarity role actively, and were unable to strengthen their public position in Hungary. We used both quantitative and qualitative text analysis methods to understand the role of religious actors in solidarity action during the COVID-19 pandemic. We have blended these methods with network analysis techniques to present the role of different actors in this communication process. Our results show that the appearance of religious or church-related actors does not infer a religious interpretation, per se. Many articles mentioned church-related organizations as good examples of solidarity, but this was not embedded into the religious narrative. Religious actors mentioned together with political actors were more visible in online media, but the lack of the former’s own voice also shows the decreasing power of religious authority. However, we found religious narratives that called for new understanding and interpretations of the pandemic and its effect on society and the future, but those interpretations were represented mainly by Pope Francis, and echoed by only a few Hungarian actors, showing the lack of dominant and politically independent religious narratives about social issues in the media or the public sphere.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Tri Karyanti

This study examines the significant role of local elites in the efforts of social integration in Pagersari, Mungkid, Magelang. Social integration is the cooperation of all society members, ranging from individuals, families, and society, so it can generate unity and diversity in the form of shared values. In the realization of social integration, it required leaders who were able to integrate all kind of conflicts in society. After 30 September 1965 event until the reign of the New Order in Pagersari, there were various internal conflicts among people who were motivated by various problems such as political differences, religious and family internal affairs. It is known that the active role of local leaders or elites has especially become an important factor to solve these conflicts. It even able to encourage the realization of social integration in Pagersari. To handle conflicts, it was solved by finding the core problems, then trying to resolve until accepted by the conflict’s parties. Some of the media for integration by a good leadership, religious and cultural approach.


Humaniora ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Iron Sarira

The research aimed to find out the intrinsic meaning and pragmatic interests of the concept of Compulsory Company Manpower Report (CCMR) and how the principle basis of Law Number 7 Year 1981 affected philosophical validity in realizing industrial relation in accordance with Pancasila. The research applied a qualitative method with textual analysis. The media of research was CCMR, which was one of the minimum macro aspects (work norm) in labor inspection as regulated in Law Number 7 Year 1981 aiming to implement the policy of work opportunity expansion and work protection as mandated by Article 27 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution. The results report the conditions of employment within a company having historical and meaningful substances as the 1945 Constitution states the existence of equality in law and government for every citizen, and each citizen shall uphold the law and government as a manifestation of an active role of citizenship. The applicability of a positive norm cannot be separated from its juridical, sociological, and philosophical requirements. Many opinions reveal that CCMR is only for operational administrative fulfillment. Meanwhile, there is a philosophical basis of CCMR that reaches to the idea about conceptions in work opportunity and labor protection to realize harmonious, dynamic, and fair industrial relations in accordance with Pancasila.


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