Melancholy Images

2017 ◽  
pp. 85-119
Author(s):  
Enzo Traverso
Keyword(s):  
Left Wing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Contemporary Cinema ◽  
Chris Marker ◽  
Ken Loach

The third chapter analyzes left-wing melancholy in contemporary cinema, focusing on significant movies of the last decades (Ken Loach, Chris Marker, Carmen Castillo, Gillo Pontecorvo among other film-makers). Most of these movies transform the experience of revolution into a “realm of memory” (according to Pierre Nora’s concept of lieux de mémoire).

scholarly journals Fratrædelsesforelæsning: ANTROPOLOGISKE DILEMMAER: Mellem kulturradikalisme og venstreorientalisme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Liep
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Cultural Relativism ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Cultural Relativity ◽  
The Third ◽  
Middle Class Family ◽  
Intellectual Movements ◽  
Provincial Middle Class

This lecture is in three main parts. The first describes the author’s background in a provincial middle class family and the leftish values he absorbed from what is now called “cultural radicalism”. His discontent with his life in urban, capitalist society led him to study anthropology in the belief that “natural” societies of “happiness” could be found far out in the world. The second part briefly characterizes cultural radicalism as a field of progressive intellectual movements in Denmark from the 1920s that fought for the liberation of women, sexuality and the education of children. Danish cultural radicals took an interest in anthropology already during the 30s, when Malinowski’s discovery of free sex in the Trobriands was celebrated, and throughout the 1950s when books by Benedict and Mead on cultural relativity and child training were translated. With the great expansion of the middle class from the 50s the ideas of cultural radicalism deeply changed modern Danish cultural values and institutions. The third part is a critique of what I call “left-wing orientalism”. Cultural relativism was used as a cultural critique of our own society in order to call for reforms. In left-wing orientalism this stance is petrified so that only our society is “wrong” while all the “others” must not be criticized. I discuss three examples of this in anthropology: the general uncritical acceptance of the policies of indigenous movements; the post-colonial “retrospective retouching” of unseemly earlier practices such as cannibalism and, finally, the readiness of anthropologists in Denmark to put the blame for ethnic tensions in the country on the Danes only and their reluctance to take a critical stance to the patriarchal suppression of women and its religious legitimation that young immigrants now themselves speak out against.  

ARENA

2021 ◽  
pp. 126-165
Author(s):  
James Loxton
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Death Squad ◽  
Powerful Source ◽  
Fourth Section ◽  
The Third ◽  
History Of ◽  
High Level

This chapter examines ARENA in El Salvador and argues that, like the UDI in Chile, its success was the product of authoritarian inheritance and counterrevolutionary struggle. The first section discusses El Salvador’s long history of right-wing military rule. The second section examines the October 1979 coup and the resulting establishment of a left-wing Revolutionary Governing Junta. The third section discusses the intense counterrevolutionary response that the junta triggered. This included large-scale death squad violence, with future ARENA founder Roberto D’Aubuisson playing a key role. The fourth section examines the formation of ARENA in response to an impending transition to competitive elections. The fifth section shows how D’Aubuisson’s role as a high-level official in the pre-1979 military regime endowed ARENA with several valuable resources. The final section discusses how ARENA’s origins in counterrevolutionary struggle served as a powerful source of cohesion.

scholarly journals The French Left-Wing Radicals

1962 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo A. Loubère
Keyword(s):  
Hard Core ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Careful Study ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Social Nature ◽  
The Social ◽  
Form Part ◽  
High Degree

During the first three decades of the Third Republic there appeared a group of left-wing republicans who became known as Radical-Socialists. As a group they had many ideas in common and tended to vote on many issues with a rather high degree of unity. However, a careful study of their voting record allows three divisions to be made among them. On the extreme Left were the hard core Radical-Socialists (HCRS). They are so designated because their voting record attained a total of about 90% on bills and orders of the day of an advanced social nature. Somewhat less consistent were the Radical-Socialists (RS) who attained at least 75%. Among the former were deputies whose stand for reform was about as consistent as that of the average Socialist. Some of the most famous were Georges Clemenceau, Camille Pelletan, Georges Perin, Tony Révillon, Désiré Barodet, Henri and Félix Mathé, Armand Duportal, Félix Cantagrel, Camille Raspati, Sigismond Lacroix, Ernest Lefèvre, Martin Nadaud, Stéphan Pichon, Emile Chautemps and Marius Chavanne. Among the Radical-Socialists were Antoine Achard, Jules Baulard, Henri Maret, Germain Casse, René Goblet, Paul Doumer, Edouard Lockroy, Gustave Mesureur, Louis-Bernard Montaut, Michel Salis, Emile Brousse, Jules Lasbaysses, Roque de Fillol, Gustave Hubbard, and Benjamin Raspati. Another group, somewhat peripheral to the present study but included in order to round it out, were the social Radicals(SR), or Radicaux de Gauche, as they called themselves after 1881. Their voting record averaged about 60%. The term “left-wing Radicals” includes all the above categories. The moderate or orthodox Radicals were really advanced liberals as regards social legislation, and do not form part of the groups examined in this essay.

scholarly journals Carlism Berween Liberalism and Right-Wing Conservatism. The Case of Juan III (1861–1868)

2021 ◽  
Vol V (2) ◽  
pp. 191-209
Author(s):  
Yuri Vasilenko
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Xix Century

The article is dedicated to Juan III (1822–1887), the Carlist pretender to the Spanish throne in 1861-1868, who opposed himself to the Carlist «mainstream» by expanding the ideological framework of this movement to the left up to liberalism. As a liberal, Juan III becomes an exponent of the trend (left-wing bias within Carlist conservatism) which originates from Carlist general R. Maroto Yserns` activities who signed in 1839 the peace of Vergara with the Isabelites and expresses in Carlos VI`s attempts to find an agreement between the two branches of the Spanish Bourbons in the form of a dynastic marriage with Isabel II. The article analyzes the failures of Juan III as a political practitioner who sought to combine in his activities the desire to integrate himself into the New — liberal-bourgeois — Order (but for that it was necessary to find agreement with the liberal-conservative wing of the «moderados» on the right and the progressives on the left) and to remain at the head of the Carlist «mainstream» which stood on the positions of right-wing conservatism. To identify the contradictions between such incompatible intentions, Juan III's views are contrasted with — the second wife of Carlos V — Maria Teresa, Princess de Beira`s ideas who expressed the interests of the Carlist «mainstream» on the eve of the liberal-bourgeois revolution of 1868-1974 and the third Carlist war. It is shown that the figure of Juan III — for all its irrelevance in the socio-political conditions of Spain in the XIX century — becomes a kind of herald for the modern leaders of Carlism (traditionalist and liberal conservative ones) who live and act separately from the currently marginal “right-wing faction” of Carlism which still stands on the positions of right-wing conservatism.

Governing from the Centre: the 1977 French Local Elections

1977 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Hayward ◽  
Vincent Wright
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Thirtieth Anniversary ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
De Gaulle

FRANCE IS A COUNTRY IN WHICH PAST POLITICAL BATTLES ARE IN the forefront of the minds of those who are engaged in contemporary conflicts. The March 1977 elections in the 36,383 communes of metropolitan France could evoke memories of 1877 and 1947. The thirtieth anniversary of the Gaullist landslide of 1947 was directly concerned with local elections as such, while 1877 recalled the defeat of President MacMahon's attempt to impose his choice of government a century ago, which finally settled the struggle between Left and Right over the regime of the Third Republic. Anticipation that the regime established by General de Gaulle would be put to the searching test of a clash between the President and a Left-wing Assembly majority converted in some people's minds the March 1977 local clections into a prologue to this decisive national confrontation.

scholarly journals 68 e depois: Uma cartografia dos filmes "Morrer aos 30 Anos" e “O Fundo do Ar é Vermelho” / 68 and After: A Cartography of the Films “Half a Life “ and “A Grin Without a Cat”

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Maíra Ramirez Nobre ◽  
Natacha Silva Araújo Rena ◽  
Danilo Caporalli Barbosa
Keyword(s):  
World History ◽  
New Left ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Short Films ◽  
Old Left ◽  
The World ◽  
Belo Horizonte ◽  
Chris Marker

Resumo: A importância de Maio de 1968 para a história contemporânea mundial é inegável. Sua representatividade é tão grande que, mesmo passados mais de cinquenta anos, há intelectuais e artistas que o debatem expondo suas muitas controvérsias. Foi o caso da Mostra 68 e depois, que trouxe várias visões sobre o ocorrido por meio de longas e curtas metragem. Dentre elas optou-se construir este artigo por meio de um diálogo entre os filmes O fundo do ar é vermelho, de Chris Marker e Morrer aos trintas anos, de Romain Goupil, atravessado pela visão de Julia Fagioli, em sua tese de doutorado Por que as imagens se põem a tremer? Militância e montagem em O fundo do ar é vermelho, de Chris Marker e de Alain Badiou exposta no livro A hipótese comunista. Como recorte específico busca-se o embate entre a velha representada principalmente pelo Partido Comunista e a nova esquerda, que teve naquele evento de 68 em Paris, o marco específico para seu surgimento, deixando rastros e sementes que ainda repetem, diferente, de maneira efervescente em grande parte do mundo, inclusive o Brasil de Junho de 2013.Palavras-chave: Maio de 68; esquerda clássica; nova esquerda; cartografia.Abstract: The importance of the cultural and political events of May 1968 in Paris for contemporary world history is undeniable. Its representativity is so great that, even after more than fifty years, intellectuals and artists still debate it exposing its many controversies. It was the case of the event “Mostra 68 e Depois” (Exhibition 68 and after), that brought together, in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, several perspectives on the historical readings of the May 68 cultural and political events by means of long and short films. Among these films this paper chooses A Grin without a cat, by Chris Marker, and Half a Life, by Romain Goupil, and attempts to bring them together in a critical analysis based on the study Julia Fagioli puts foward in her doctorate thesis Why the images start shaking? Militancy and assembly in A grin without a cat, by Chris Marker, and Alain Badiou’s view in The Communist Hypothesis. Specifically, this paper deals with the clash between the old left, represented mainly by the Communist Party, and the new left, which emerged in the multiplicity of political events of 68 in Paris, leaving marks that still today resonates profoundly and in different ways in much of the world, including Brazil in June 2013.Keywords: May of 68; classic left-wing; new left; cartography.

In the House of the Hangman One should not Mention the Noose: Jewish Voice for Labour’s Attack on the Equality and Human Rights Commission

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-92
Author(s):  
Derek Spitz
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Bad Faith ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Epistemology ◽  
Anti Jewish ◽  
Jeremy Corbyn ◽  
Do So

Abstract In May 2021 Jewish Voice for Labour (“JVL”) published a combative document entitled How the EHRC Got It So Wrong-Antisemitism and the Labour Party. The document criti­cises the Equality and Human Rights Commission’s October 2020 Report of its investiga­tion into antisemitism in the Labour Party. The Commission found the Labour Party responsible for antisemitic conduct giving rise to several unlawful acts in breach of the Equality Act 2010. In addition to its legal findings, it also made critical factual findings, identifying a culture of acceptance of antisemitism in the Labour Party, which suffered from serious failings in leadership, where the failure to tackle antisemitism more effectively was probably a matter of choice. The essence of JVL’s attack on the Commission’s Report is as follows. First, it is said that the Commission did not and could not lawfully investigate antisemitism as such; to the extent that it purported to do so, its findings of unlawfulness are purportedly meaningless. Secondly, JVL claims that the Commission made no finding of institutional antisemitism. Thirdly, by failing to require production of evidence referred to in a certain leaked report, probably prepared by Labour Party officials loyal to Jeremy Corbyn, the Commission is accused of nullifying at a stroke the value of its own Report as a factual account. Fourthly, JVL claims the Commission’s Report is not just legally unten­able, but purportedly a threat to democracy. Finally, JVL claims the Commission’s analysis was not just wrong, but that it exercised its statutory powers in bad faith. This article offers a response to each of the five pillars of JVL’s attack, all of which collapse under scrutiny. As to the first pillar, the article identifies the disappearing of antisemitism as the linchpin of JVL’s argument and shows how JVL’s criticism is underpinned by a political epistemology of antisemitism denialism. As to the second pillar, it shows that the absence of the term “institutional antisemitism” in the Commission’s Report is a semantic quibble. In sub­stance, the Commission found that the conduct under investigation amounted to institu­tional antisemitism. As to the third, the article demonstrates that JVL’s complaint about the Commission’s failure to call for production of the leaked report is perverse because that report constitutes an admission of the correctness of the complaints put before it. More­over, the Corbyn-led Labour Party itself decided that it did not want the Commission to consider that material. As to the fourth pillar, the article shows that far from being a threat to democracy, the Commission’s Report grasps the nettle of antisemitism denial. It con­cludes that continuing to assume and assert that Jews raising concerns about antisemitism are lying for nefarious ends may itself be, and in at least two cases was, a form of unlawful anti-Jewish harassment. As to the fifth, the article rebuts the extraordinary charge that the Commission exercised its powers in bad faith. Rather strikingly, neither JVL nor Jeremy Corbyn was willing to take the Commission on judicial review. The article concludes by considering how the poverty of JVL’s reasoning, coupled with the extravagance of its accu­sations, invites a symptomatic reading of Antisemitism and the Labour Party as a disap­pointing illustration of left-wing melancholia.

Cooperation Has a Meaning

2021 ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Andy Merrifield
Keyword(s):  
Left Wing ◽  
Monthly Review ◽  
Chris Marker ◽  
Black Panther

In 1970, the French left-wing filmmaker Chris Marker made a twenty-minute documentary about the French left-wing publisher François Maspero. Fleetingly, we catch a glimpse of two publications pinned side by side on one wall, seemingly granted special placement: a copy of The Black Panther newspaper and a Monthly Review. Hardly surprising is this prominence: Maspero's relationship with Monthly Review was always fraternal, both interfaced with one another, shared lists. Together, they helped define what that New in the Left would mean.

Chile, Algeria, and the Third World in the 1960s and 1970s

2020 ◽  
pp. 274-300
Author(s):  
Eugenia Palieraki
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Algerian War ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Conditions Of Possibility ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World

This chapter focuses on the revolutionary connections between Chile and Algeria during the years 1961-1978. It starts at the beginning of the 1960s when the first extensive references to the Algerian War appear in the Chilean Left-Wing Press and in the reports of the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and ends with Boumediene’s passing in 1978, which closes the socialist parenthesis in Algeria. It describes the conditions of possibility that underlie the revolutionary connections between Chile and Algeria and thus, the revolutionary cosmopolitanism through the examination of 1° the agents, 2° the places and spaces where those links are created and maintained and 3° the ideas. These three elements are constitutive of a new revolutionary universalism, which allows a political meaning to be given to the diplomatic relations between Chile and Algeria from 1970 onwards.

The End of Ideology Revisited (Part I)

1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Bell
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Status ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World

THERE ARE SOME BOOKS THAT ARE BETTER KNOWN FOR their titles than their contents. Mine is one of them. Various critics, usually from the Left, pointed to the upsurge of radicalism in the 1960s as disproof of the book's thesis. Others saw the work as an ‘ideological’ defence of ‘technocratic’ thinking, or of the ‘status quo’. A few, even more ludicrously, believed that the book attacked the role of ideals in politics. It was none of these.The frame of the book was set by its sub-title, On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties. Yet the last section looked ahead. After observing young left-wing intellectuals express repeated yearnings for ideology, I said that new inspirations, new ideologies, and new identifications would come from the Third World.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document