scholarly journals Education Inequalities and Political Behaviour of the Young in Greece in the 2010s 1

Author(s):  
Thomas Maloutas ◽  
Maro Pantelidou Malouta

In this paper we briefly address two issues related to the living conditions of youth in Greece and the way these conditions have changed during the 2010s. The first is about the educational trajectories of young Greeks which are leading to less promising prospects in the labour market and become increasingly unequal and socially selective during the crisis. The second issue is the political response of young Greeks to the crisis. There is evidence that they have been actively mobilized against austerity measures and, at the same time, they have increased their participation in the political system, both in confrontational and institutional politics. Inequalities are increasing and social mobility prospects for the young people are deteriorating. Their political response, however, is an outcome depending on many other factors with the politics of parties attractive to youngsters’ aspirations during the crisis being among the most important.

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-160
Author(s):  
Andrei Harbatski ◽  

In the article an idea is conducted that practice of education goes away the roots to the deep layers of human civilization. The author of the article concentrated the attention on the analysis of work of Socrates and Aristotle. It is shown that Socrates first began consciously to use the bottom- up reasoning and give general determinations, work on concepts. On the initial stage of educating Socrates induced students the system of questions to find truth, that in modern pedagogical anthropology is one of main tasks in education. By means of the skilfully put questions Socrates tricked into a student to confession of those positions that are true. The author of the article pays attention to that Socrates used the new for that time methods of educating constantly, for example, conversation, unlike sophists that preferred to the lecture. The feature of conversations of Socrates consisted in that the simplest vital cases came into question at first, but after themes became complicated. Comparisons, metaphors, turns, satire, were thus used, that facilitated perception of sense of conversation to the students. In the article the analysis of anthropological and pedagogical ideas is given in labours of Aristotle. It is shown that Aristotle studying a man, his " nature" and " essence", did not stop thereon, and set by the question of improvement of human family by means of education. Aristotle considered that education must be under control the state, and nobody can doubt in that a legislator must belong with exceptional attention to education of young people, as in the states, where small attention is spared the questions of education, the political system suffers from it.


Social Forces ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary R. Jackman

2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-141
Author(s):  
V.H. Nabiyev ◽  

The article examines the problem of patriotism, which plays a special role in the political life of modern Kazakhstan. In fact, in all over the world, young people today are in very difficult socio- economic and political conditions, when their entry into life is accompanied by changing and peculiar processes of change not only political system or economic mechanisms of management. The change in the system of spiritual and moral values, guidelines and ideals of all citizens, especially young people, is impressive.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedetta Berti

The question of how involvement in institutional politics and governance affects rebel groups’ behaviour is pertinent when studying violent non-state actors, both during and in the aftermath of conflict. This is especially the case when participation in the political system becomes sustained over time. The interactions between the political and governance practices of a rebel group and its overall ideological orientation and state-building aspirations are not sufficiently analysed in the literature, especially in the context of hybrid armed-political organizations operating in latent, frozen or protracted conflicts. This article aims to begin to fill this gap by examining how involvement in institutional politics has shaped both Hamas’s and Hezbollah’s branding, interpretation and reliance on their own constitutive ideological manifestos, with an emphasis on both organizations’ dynamic processes aimed at reconciling political participation with their previous ideological rejection of the legitimacy of the political system and their constitutive calls to dramatically restructure the political order. Based on these detailed accounts, this article reflects on how the complex relationship between politics, electoral competition, governance and ideological principles can shape an armed group’s political identity.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan B. Forrester

A Complex stratified polity such as that of India, containing a variety of political cultures and a great diversity of political structure, inevitably produces a multitude of styles of political behaviour. Such styles may be the product of different political cultures and processes of recruitment and training, and they interact with each other in significant ways. In particular, the new integrated political system encourages what I call the ‘percolation of style’ from one stratum of the system to another. The percolating process flows in two-ways—from the national arena to the local, and vice versa—and the process itself affects the nature of political styles. A style which was appropriate and effective in one arena will need adaptation if it is to meet the distinctive challenges of a different stratum in the political system. Percolation thus involves modification of style, and the whole process may be viewed as the gradual development of new styles responsive to the demands of new situations. Inevitably this leads to multitudinous tensions, destructive or creative, but the process is thus an integral part of political change and an understanding of stylistic percolation is an important key to the understanding of the nature and direction of political development.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Henn ◽  
Mark Weinstein ◽  
Sarah Hodgkinson

Only 37 per cent of young people voted at the 2005 British General Election, seemingly confirming the oft-cited view that this generation is becoming increasingly disconnected from the political process. Results from a nationwide survey, however, indicate that their withdrawal from formal politics is more a result of their scepticism of the way the political system operates, than apathy. Furthermore, they are diverse in their political (dis)engagement. Results from an examination of the relative effects of socio-economic location and social capital are inconclusive, although the data indicate that government social policy aimed at mobilising social capital and addressing socio-economic issues may increase civic engagement.


Sociologija ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusan Mojic

Young people?s perceptions and preferences regarding main channels of upward mobility are very important for integration in every society. After one decade of blocked post-socialist transformation, political changes in 2000 unblocked the process of transformation of Serbian society, raising young people?s expectations of the improvement of their social position. Modernization and democratization of political system, as well as market reforms of the economic system would definitely make this process more probable. These reforms, if carried out properly, would enable the activation of young people and their inclination towards modern and development-oriented ways of advancement in society. Nevertheless, empirical studies in the last ten years in Serbia have constantly shown large discrepancy in youth?s perceived and preferred factors of upward social mobility. Namely, although education and hard work have been emphasized by young people as the main preferred means of getting ahead, wealthy origin and political connections have been, in fact, perceived as the most important factors in this respect in Serbia during the last decade. Political instability, (still) uncompleted reform of political and economic system and economic growth without employment (especially of young people) are the main reasons why half of the young population has had, more or less, a constant wish to leave Serbia forever. The main thesis of this paper is that the above-mentioned discrepancy between preferred and perceived ?social order? represents one of the key basis of such a way of thinking of young people in Serbia.


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray A. Moore

AbstractsHistorians have overstated the role of adoption as a channel of upward social mobility for poor but bright young samurai in Tokugawa Japan. An analysis of family histories and public service records of four han shows that adoption helped to preserve both samurai lineages and the political system of daimyo rule. It also created opportunities for younger sons to remain in the elite class under a system of primogeniture. Adoption in the middle and upper (shi) ranks of the class was normally between related families of roughly the same social status. Where status differences were involved, the adopted son usually represented a higher status than the adopting family. The few records available for lower ranks (sotsu) reveal some marriage and adoption with commoners, but none with the higher ranks of the samurai class. In sum, adoption clearly supported the system of hereditary status, but rarely provided opportunities for poor but bright samurai to get ahead in society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-38
Author(s):  
Alexander Wohnig

Since the 1990s, political apathy among young people has been a recurrent issue in political science. This article examines, on the basis of a survey of the current debate about political apathy in Germany and an analysis of civic education textbooks for the lower secondary level in Baden-Württemberg, how contemporary German textbooks reflect young people’s interest in politics. This article will show that, while political apathy in textbooks can be explained as the result of either an individual deficit on the part of the reader or a structuralist deficit of the political system, the latter explanation is more likely to encourage critical political thinking among young people in Germany.


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