scholarly journals Unequal Civilian Accommodation within Democratic Rule: The Case of Sri Lanka’s Northern Province after the Government–LTTE Conflict

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 109-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Mathegana ◽  
L. K. Chauke ◽  
F. A.O. Otieno

The primary purpose of an improved water supply and sanitation is the achievement of acceptable health and hygiene standards as well as the sustainable improvement of the environment. Many governments recognize this and so they budget for large sums of money to improve these services to the communities. The purpose of this study was to investigate the different gaps in environmental health and hygiene practices with the aim of suggesting a strategy of improving this in the Northern Province of South Africa. To do this, 231 households and 30 schools were surveyed. Workshops and visits to different government departments were also used. This paper reports the results from this study which indicate that the situation in schools was not any better than that in households, with more than 90% of the villages still dependent on the unimproved pit latrines and 56,6% relying on standpipes which were (70% of the time) non-operational. The main problems identified seem to those associated with implementation and maintenance. The study concludes that with proper training of the water committees and their active involvement with the government and NGOs, environmental health and hygiene problems can be minimized or eliminated.


Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.


Author(s):  
Olive Uwineza ◽  
Job Lagat ◽  
Risper M Berem

In Sub-Saharan Africa, agricultural commercialization is a major factor in household food diversification and household income. To move to agricultural transformation, Rwanda has focused on shifting from subsistence-based farming to market-oriented agriculture. Various studies have been conducted on agricultural commercialization, however, women’s role in the commercialization of agriculture has received little attention and none of the studies have associated it with women’s empowerment in agriculture. In Rwanda, women are principal players in agriculture and food security, therefore, it is important to understand the influence of their empowerment in agriculture on its commercialization. To investigate the relationship between women’s empowerment in agriculture and agricultural commercialization, the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI) was used to measure women’s empowerment in agriculture. A sample size of 252 households from Musanze and Burera districts in the Northern Province of Rwanda was used. It was obtained using the multistage and random sampling techniques. To analyze data, a fractional regression model was used. The results revealed that farm commercialization in Rwanda was positively and significantly influenced by WEAI score, farm size and the prices of maize, potatoes and beans. On the other hand, the index has a negative relationship with access to extension services. It is recommended that the government should strengthen policies of empowering women in agriculture.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devaka Weerakoon ◽  
Sampath De A. Goonatilake ◽  
Tharanga Wijewickrama ◽  
Arjan Rajasuriya ◽  
Naalin Perera ◽  
...  

After the 30-year long civil war was over, the Government of Sri Lanka commenced an accelerated programme to develop the Northern Province. If not carefully planned, such a programme will result in the loss of biodiversity and the consequent loss of services that ecosystems provide humans. Therefore, documenting the biodiversity found within coastal, nearshore and offshore islands of the Northern Province was identified as a need that would help both planners and conservation biologists alike. This report presents the results of a rapid biodiversity assessment of a 949 km stretch from Mannar to the Kokkilai Lagoon, including 22 coastal islands, five coastal stretches and four lagoons, extending across four districts (Jaffna, Mannar, Kilinochchi and Mullaittivu), 20 Divisional Secretariats Divisions and 264 Grama Niladhari Divisions. For terrestrial ecosystems, assessments were carried out during November 2015 and March 2016, and for marine surveys in the coastal waters of Palk Bay and Palk Strait, during November 2015 and March 2016.


2016 ◽  
pp. 124-143
Author(s):  
Sergii Tolstov

The contemporary political theory envisages the Spanish transition from authoritarianism to a modern multiparty political system as an important landmark and one of the most successful examples of the ‘third wave’ of the process of global democratization. Commenced in Southern Europe, the transition towards the democratic rule has affected Latin America, South Africa and a number of Asian countries and then went further to the majority of Central and Eastern European states. The political reforms and regime change became possible due to the ‘national reconciliation’, a series of compromises negotiated between the government and the leaders of the top political parties. This mechanism ensured a gradual peaceful process of political changes and their successful constitutional legitimization, as well as their implementation in the legislature. However, the transition towards a competitive multiparty democracy won’t cover the reconciliation of ideologies, neither did it consider a common moral and political assessment of the past. Both veterans of the Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and victims of the Franco’s dictatorship were completely rehabilitated only 30 years after the political transformation have been launched.


Author(s):  
Adeyemi Aderogba ◽  
Olanipekun Gbenga

The Federal Government of Nigeria made several unsuccessful attempts at stopping petrol subsidy by arguing that the policy is unsustainable. Seven unsuccessful attempts were made between 1999, when the country returned to democratic rule, and 2012. Though the government might have good reasons for removing petrol subsidy, it was clear that there was an obvious disconnection between the government and the people as the people were not in support of the policy. This chapter examined coverage of petrol subsidy removal by three national dailies. Content analysis was adopted as the research method. It was discovered that 49.4% of the stories published by the selected newspapers in the study period were not in favour of petrol subsidy removal. It was therefore recommended that government should endeavour to carry Nigerian citizens along ever before introducing such kind of policy and that media practitioners should set an agenda for fighting corruption in the oil industry.


2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doh Chull Shin

The Republic of Korea (Korea hereinafter) has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military-authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As is the case in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been regularly held at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held in December 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.


1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Free elections are celebrations of the democratic process, and theGermans celebrated in an unprecedented way on September 27,1998. After sixteen years of Christian Democratic rule, the publicused its democratic power to change the government. Indeed, for thefirst time in the history of the Federal Republic, voters rejected a sittingchancellor and chose a new government through the ballot box.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 956-972 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Toepfl

Extant research on the consequences of the Internet for non-democratic politics has focused on how oppositional activists leverage new digital tools. By contrast, still, relatively little is known about how authoritarian elites proactively deploy digital technologies to legitimize their rule. This article contributes to filling this gap by scrutinizing one highly innovative tactic that has recently been adopted repeatedly by Russia’s ruling elites: the organization of ‘Internet votes’ to staff advisory bodies to the government. In contrast to online petitions, online votes are aimed at aggregating citizen preferences not on issues but on candidates, that is, on individuals who later act as political representatives. The article presents an in-depth case study of the first such Internet vote conducted in Russia in 2012. It concludes that ruling elites deployed the tool swiftly to (1) disempower oppositional activists and (2) convey to the mass public the image of a transparent, accountable and responsive government.


Author(s):  
Agus Suntoro

The upsurge of terror attacks in various regions of Indonesia in 2018, gave rise to the government and parliament effort to immediately revise Law No. 15 of 2003, which was considered inadequate in eradicating criminal acts of terrorism. The awareness of all parties involved ultimately accelerates the dynamics of the legislation process. Finally, on June 21, 2018 President Joko Widodo passed Law No. 5 of 2018 as a stronger basis in eradicating criminal acts of terrorism and seeking to proportionally protect human rights. Against those backgrounds, this study will look at (a) the legislation process in the formation of Law No. 5 of 2018, and (b) review of the practice of human rights principles and norms of Law No. 5 of 2018. This study uses a qualitative method, with descriptive normative presentation. Primary data sources are based on interviews with the Chairperson of the Working Committee of Bill on Terrorism, human rights activists, and government representatives. The results of this study indicate that legally in the legislation process Law No. 5 of 2018 fulfills the established procedures, but the principles and norms of human rights have not become the main reference in the formation of legal material, especially the issue of arrest, detention, the changing from material to formal offences, interception, and inconsistency of criminal justice system through military involvement. Based on this, we need to encourage a limited revision of Law No. 5 of 2018, so that the eradication of terrorism is stronger and human rights principles are respected, as an embodiment of a democratic rule of law. AbstrakPeningkatan aksi teror pada 2018, mendorong pemerintah dan DPR melakukan revisi terhadap UU No. 15 Tahun 2003 yang dinilai tidak cukup memadai dalam pemberantasan tindak pidana terorisme. Kesadaran semua pihak telah mempercepat proses legislasi dan pada 21 Juni 2018 Presiden Joko Widodo mengesahkan UU No. 5 Tahun 2018. UU hasil revisi ini diharapkan lebih memperkokoh dasar pemberantasan tindak pidana terorisme dan melindungi HAM secara lebih proposional. Bertitik tolak pada hal tersebut, kajian ini akan melihat proses legislasi dalam pembentukan UU No. 5 Tahun 2018 dan meninjau penerapan asas dan norma HAM dalam UU No. 5 Tahun 2018. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan penyajian deskriptif normatif. Sumber data primer diperoleh melalui wawancara dengan Ketua Panja RUU Terorisme, aktivis HAM, dan perwakilan pemerintah. Hasil kajian menunjukkan, secara legal formal, proses legislasi UU No. 5 Tahun 2018 memenuhi prosedur yang ditetapkan, namun dari aspek substansial masih belum sepenuhnya selaras dengan asas dan norma HAM, terutama persoalan penangkapan, penahanan, perubahan delik materiil menjadi formil, penyadapan, dan inkonsistensi criminal justice system melalui pelibatan militer. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, revisi terbatas terhadap UU No. 5 Tahun 2018 perlu dilakukan agar penegakan hukum pemberantasan terorisme lebih kuat dan HAM dijunjung tinggi sebagai perwujudan negara hukum demokratis.


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