scholarly journals Practice and experience of the national reconciliation in Spain

2016 ◽  
pp. 124-143
Author(s):  
Sergii Tolstov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Spanish Transition ◽  
Important Landmark ◽  
America South ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Reconciliation

The contemporary political theory envisages the Spanish transition from authoritarianism to a modern multiparty political system as an important landmark and one of the most successful examples of the ‘third wave’ of the process of global democratization. Commenced in Southern Europe, the transition towards the democratic rule has affected Latin America, South Africa and a number of Asian countries and then went further to the majority of Central and Eastern European states. The political reforms and regime change became possible due to the ‘national reconciliation’, a series of compromises negotiated between the government and the leaders of the top political parties. This mechanism ensured a gradual peaceful process of political changes and their successful constitutional legitimization, as well as their implementation in the legislature. However, the transition towards a competitive multiparty democracy won’t cover the reconciliation of ideologies, neither did it consider a common moral and political assessment of the past. Both veterans of the Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and victims of the Franco’s dictatorship were completely rehabilitated only 30 years after the political transformation have been launched.

An Analysis of Political Rights Situation during Musharraf Regime (1999-2004)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq
Keyword(s):  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Meaningful Change ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Government

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.

Introduction

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Robert R. Kaufman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
The Third ◽  
Democratic Rule

This book examines regime change during the so-called Third Wave by focusing on transitions to and from democratic rule, taking into account factors such as the nature of authoritarian and democratic institutions, regime performance, and capacities for collective action on the part of civil society. Drawing on seventy-eight discrete democratic transitions and twenty-five cases of reversion to autocracy that occurred between 1980 and 2008 as coded in two widely used datasets, the book considers how structural factors affect transitions to and reversions from democracy. It shows that democratization driven by mass mobilization appears to hinge on political factors: how exclusionary or co-optive authoritarian regimes are and the extent to which publics are capable of mobilizing grievances into the political arena. This introduction defines core terms and justifies the book's focus on the Third Wave. It also previews the book's empirical findings and concludes with a note on the research method used.

scholarly journals Minimalisasi Ruang Intervensi Kekuatan Bisnis Retail Indomaret terhadap Pembangunan Desa Arjowilangun, Kabupaten Malang, Jawa Timur

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 258
Author(s):  
Ira Permata Sari
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Qualitative Research Study ◽  
Retail Business ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Study Intervention ◽  
The Village

<p>Intervention of market forces, such as Indomaret retail business, becomes a mainstream and given space as a major force by the government in development in Indonesia. In practice, various government policies places intervention of market forces as driving actors for the political, economic, social, and cultural transformation. Using the case of Indomaret's rejection in Arjowilangun Village, Malang Regency in 2015 and using qualitative research study, this paper explains how villagers do not give space for market in the village development process. From this study, intervention of market forces that had been the mainstream of government policy in development is not placed by villagers as the only force able to carry out development in the village. This situation is due to the collision between market forces that come from outside with the economic power of the villagers that not only change the economy, society, and culture of the village, but also influence the political transformation of the village. Thus, when market forces tried to intervene village development, they have to face the major force of the village that have been built slowly since the village experienced economic slump in the 1970s. <br /><br /></p>

Advocating Democracy: The Role of Lawyers in Taiwan's Political Transformation

1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (02) ◽  
pp. 561-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Kaufman Winn ◽  
Tang-chi Yeh
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Legal Profession ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Republic

Litigation has not been a significant strategy in Taiwan for challenging injustice due to the use of the Civil Law tradition as a model for the Republic of China legal system and the diminished autonomy of the ROC legal profession and legal system under martial law and authoritarian rule. Individual lawyers, however, were among the leading proponents of reform during Taiwan's recent transition to democratic rule. Furthermore, one of the significant liberalizing reforms ushered in by the democratic transition has been the reform of the ROC legal profession. We examine the contribution of some lawyers to democratization and consider what role the reconstituted ROC legal profession may play in the political economy of Taiwan in the future.

scholarly journals L’evoluzione del sistema di governo della Macedonia del Nord fra instabilità strisciante e transizione permanente (The evolution of the government system of Northern Macedonia between “slithering” instability and permanent transition)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Hybrid Regime

La Macedonia del Nord è un caso peculiare all’interno dell’ex Jugoslavia e nel processo di adesione all’UE per le ben note implicazioni geopolitiche: la minoranza albanese e la denominazione, ambedue solo recentemente superati. Emerge tuttavia un sistema di governo semipresidenziale non dissimile da quello degli altri Paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale, che, trascendendo il classico modello di Duverger, si connota per una predominanza della centralità parlamentare opposta al Capo dello Stato senza significativi poteri costituzionali. Solo un Presidente con una forte personalità sembra essere in grado di influenzare l’azione di governo, attraverso il suo potere di magistrato di influenza e persuasione. D’altro canto, il decennio del Primo Ministro nazionalista Gruevski è stato caratterizzato dall’autoritarismo con un regime ibrido ovvero democrazia illiberale. Pertanto, le condizioni politiche, istituzionali, storiche e interetniche del Paese non favorirono l’evoluzione del sistema semipresidenziale verso un modello a “Presidente forte”. Northern Macedonia is a typical example of instability within the former Yugoslavia due to the well-known geopolitical implications: the Albanian minority and the denomination, both of which have only recently been overcome. However, a semi-presidential system of government emerges that is not dissimilar from other Central-Eastern European countries, which, transcending the classic Duverger model, is characterized by a predominance of parliamentary centrality opposed to the Head of State without significant constitutional powers. Only a President with a strong personality appears to be able to influence government action, through his power as a magistrate of influence and persuasion. Otherwise, the nationalist Gruevski’s Prime Minister decade was characterized by authoritarianism with a hybrid regime or an illiberal democracy. Thus, the political, institutional, historical and interethnic conditions of the country did not, therefore, favor the evolution of the semi-presidential system towards a “strong President” model.

Pomiędzy decentralizacją a omnipotencją. Stosunki samorządu terytorialnego i administracji rządowej w II i III Rzeczypospolitej

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Tomasz Bojarowicz ◽  
Keyword(s):  
System Approach ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Government

The aim of the study is to compare the institutional solutions and practical activities of the government and local government administration in two periods: the Second and the Third Republic of Poland. Because of the need to refer to the documents from the period of the Second Republic of Poland, it was necessary to refer to the historical method. The study is based on the comparison of two orders from different periods, therefore it was necessary to use the comparative method for the purpose of the analysis conducted. In the study also a system approach was applied to the analysis of institutional solutions. Decentralist and centralist concepts clashed both in the period of the Second Republic of Poland and during the political transformation. The beginnings of the political change were characterised by the predominance of naturalist tendencies, while in the further stages of the development of the Polish state there were growing tendencies to increase the omnipotence of the state.

Democratic Consolidation in Korea: A Trend Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys, 1997–2001

2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doh Chull Shin
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Established Democracies ◽  
The Military ◽  
Different Levels

The Republic of Korea (Korea hereinafter) has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military-authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As is the case in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been regularly held at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held in December 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.

The Bakhtiyâri Khans, The Government of Iran, and the British, 1846–1915

1972 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene R. Garthwaite
Keyword(s):  
Economic Importance ◽  
Oil Fields ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Strategic Factors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pasture Area

Great power rivalry in nineteenth and early twentieth century Iran and the Qajar dynasty's dependence upon British and Russian support have long attracted the attention of western scholars. Recent scholarship also has begun tocus on internal power shifts in response to these conditions. An important element in these processes, but one which has been relatively unstudied, is political change within the great tribal confederations, especially the Bakhtiyâri. A number of elements contributed to the political transformation of the Bakhtiyâri. To begin with, the heightening of political activity in the tribe coincided with a decline of central power and authority and the growth of Anglo-Russian rivalry in Iran. Also significant was the concentration of powerand wealth within one princely family of the Bakhtiyâri. In addition a number of economic and strategic factors played a role in creating a new alignment of power among the Bakhtiyâri and Tehran and Great Britain. Chief among these elements were the increasing strategic and economic importance of the Bakhtiyâri winter pasture area in Khuzistan following the discovery of the oil fields there and the new national political role played by the Bakhtiyâri following the Persian Revolution.

Challenges of the Illiberal Democracy in Hungary. Some Aspects to the 2018 Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-90
Author(s):  
Schmidt Andrea
Keyword(s):  
Eastern European ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Short Period ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
One Year ◽  
Annus Mirabilis

Abstract Political transformation reached Hungary in parallel with other Central and Eastern European countries at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. The core of the events, the year of 1989, the so called “annus mirabilis” when, within one year almost the entire Central and Eastern European region stepped onto the path of changes. The actors adopted Western patterns within a short period, institutions of new political systems were established, and a new political power verified and consolidated its legitimacy by free elections. As a final proof of transformation, most of former socialist bloc member states joined both the NATO and the European Union. Hungary had the chance to enter in the 21st century under radically changed and much more favourable conditions than it ever had before. This smooth transformation interrupted by political and economic crisis that finally led to the victory of the opposition that managed to repeat the next elections and implemented the Programme of National Cooperation. The aim of the paper is to analyse why the adoption of the new system enjoys wide support from different social groups and how the old fixations and obsessions persisted in society. This paper also gives a brief explanation about the nature of illiberal democracy in a wider scope and link it with the history of the Hungarian democracy, the (dis) functioning institutions, and confirms the argumentation with some statistical data explaining the correlation between the support of the government and the living standards. It investigates, if the Hungarian illiberal democratic regime interpreted as consequence of the troublesome system changes or if it is rooted in the distorted political system.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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