Conclusion

Author(s):  
Leigh Raymond

This chapter reviews the theory of normative reframing that is at the heart of the book’s explanation for sudden policy change, and the evidence of normative reframing’s role in the unprecedented policy shift toward auctioning emissions allowances from 2008-2015. It then offers some concluding thoughts on the wider implications of the expansion of auctions since RGGI, and the theory of normative reframing for climate and environmental policymaking, as well as for understanding sudden policy change in general. In particular, the chapter concludes that the choice of how to distribute benefits from future climate policies will be the most important factor determining the political success of those policies, and that policies such as cap and trade with auction using public benefit framing remain the most promising policy option going forward.

Author(s):  
Leigh Raymond

Reclaiming the Atmospheric Commons explains recent changes in emissions trading policy to address climate change with a new theory of sudden policy change. The new theory of “normative reframing” argues that policy change advocates can draw on the unique power of social norms to undermine support for existing policies and successfully promote new alternatives, even in the face of resistance from vested economic interests. The book uses this theory of “normative reframing” to explain the surprising and unexpected political decision to make large power companies pay for the rights to emit greenhouse gases for the first time under a so-called “cap and trade” policy, as implemented in the 2008 Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI). The book provides evidence that a new “public benefit” frame was critical to making allowance auctions possible in RGGI, by going beyond typical polluter pays norms in environmental policy to also include norms regarding the fair distribution of public resources such as the atmosphere. The book also argues that the public benefit frame offers promising option for promoting new climate change policies in other contexts, including the EU ETS, California’s cap and trade policy, and the EPA’s new Clean Power Plan. The book also describes the wider implications of normative reframing as a strategy for creating policy change in many contexts beyond climate policy, including improving the ability of policy theories to predict which policies are likely to change suddenly in the future.


Author(s):  
Leigh Raymond

After RGGI’s implementation in 2008, a series of political set backs led some to declare cap and trade “dead.” This chapter rejects the asserted demise of cap and trade, arguing that the public benefit model for climate policies offers the best hope for political progress. The chapter reviews post-2008 climate policies, noting thatdespite a few prominent failures,cap and trade with auction has become the most common approach to addressing climate change. In addition, the chapter documents how three policies—the EU ETS, California’s cap and trade program, and RGGI—used the public benefit frame to resist political challenges and strengthen their emissions goals. The chapter then describes additional potential applications for the public benefit model, including carbon tax policies and the new Clean Power Plan regulations promulgated by the U.S. EPA in 2015. As uses of the public benefit frame expand, the chapter notes, a key question for the future will be what types of policy designs will be perceived as “fitting” with the norms that constitute the frame. Finally, the chapter discusses how normative framing could improve the ability to understand and predict other sudden policy changes beyond the topic of climate change.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (66) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
م.م أحمد حامد جمعة ◽  
◽  
د. كمال فيلد البصري

This study clarifies the analysis of the reality of the financial policy in the budget of Iraq 2019, and that analysis is evaluated by tracking the elements of the public budget from public expenditures and public revenues, and the study focuses on the size of the political impact on the path of public spending, as well as the analysis of public spending and revenues in various sectors and sections of the public budget. This study also shows the size of the risks resulting from the continuation of the financial deficit, as well as the risks of public debt according to the indicators of its sustainability analysis within the financial and economic indicators that express the risks of public debt. The study emphasized that public spending is still based on the political decision and does not achieve the principles and objectives of the economic budget that achieve the public benefit. The necessity requires efficient spending and fair distribution in order to avoid future public debt risks and their impact on future generations


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 659-675 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabina Haveric ◽  
Stefano Ronchi ◽  
Laura Cabeza

Research on the link between turnout and corruption has produced inconclusive evidence: while some studies find corruption to be positively related to turnout, others report a negative relationship. This article argues that the relevant question is not whether corruption has a positive or negative effect on turnout, but for whom. We hypothesize that the effect of corruption on the likelihood to vote depends on individuals’ employment sector. Public employees have different incentives to vote in corrupt settings since their jobs often depend on the political success of the government of the day. Hence, while corruption dampens turnout among ordinary citizens, public employees are more likely to vote in highly corrupt countries. Analysis of World Values Survey data from 44 countries, shows that the differential in voting propensity between public employees and other citizens gets larger as corruption increases, partially confirming our expectations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (02) ◽  
pp. 179-210
Author(s):  
Len Scales

AbstractThis article reassesses the reputation enjoyed by Charles IV of Luxemburg, emperor and king of Bohemia (r. 1346/1347–1378), as the author of a program aimed at projecting his monarchy via visual media. Current scholarship, which stresses the centrally directed character of this program, regards it as serving clear political goals, as “propaganda” to unify Charles's far-flung territories. This article challenges that view. It contends that a straightforward political purpose is often less detectable than usually claimed, and the political “success” of Caroline image-making easily overstated. Above all, it argues for the necessity of decentering Caroline visual culture by stepping away from the familiar focus on the Prague court, to explore instead provincial viewpoints. Focusing on northeastern Bavaria, it shows that local examples of Caroline imagery are often best understood not as impositions from the “center,” but rather as products of interactions between court and locality, through which local perspectives and interests also found expression.


Author(s):  
Søren Hvalkof

Søren Hvalkof: Where are the Savages? Memories of Identity and Politics in the Amazon The author’s personal experience with a conventional study tour to the Peruvian Andes that metamorphosed into an ethnographic joumey of the Amazon, highlights the central importance of the ethnographic field work as anthropology’s phenomenological soul. The case of the Asheninka of the Peruvian Amazon is used to show why the ethnographic description is crucial to the realization of the political potentials inherent in non-Westem societies. Using classificatory models of ethnic and social identity developed by Dr. Niels Fock and rethinking them in the context of power, the epistemological contrast between the developmentalist and essentialist monolith of Western thinking and the indigenous, nonessentialist, multicentric and particularistic universe is demonstrated. The recent political success of the latter is related to the potentials released through the growing process of globalization. An anecdote from the field epitomizes the choices made by the Asheninka.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Boldrin ◽  
David K Levine

The case against patents can be summarized briefly: there is no empirical evidence that they serve to increase innovation and productivity, unless productivity is identified with the number of patents awarded—which, as evidence shows, has no correlation with measured productivity. Both theory and evidence suggest that while patents can have a partial equilibrium effect of improving incentives to invent, the general equilibrium effect on innovation can be negative. A properly designed patent system might serve to increase innovation at a certain time and place. Unfortunately, the political economy of government-operated patent systems indicates that such systems are susceptible to pressures that cause the ill effects of patents to grow over time. Our preferred policy solution is to abolish patents entirely and to find other legislative instruments, less open to lobbying and rent seeking, to foster innovation when there is clear evidence that laissez-faire undersupplies it. However, if that policy change seems too large to swallow, we discuss in the conclusion a set of partial reforms that could be implemented


Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer

This chapter examines how legislators associated with the conservative movement thrived in a congressional process that liberals had helped to create. It first considers how Congress was reformed in the 1970s, focusing on its transition from the committee era to the contemporary era and how the reform coalition of 1958–1974 helped end the committee era. It then compares the contemporary Congress to the committee-era Congress and how the new legislative process contributed to the fortunes of the conservative movement. It also discusses the decentralization and centralization fostered by congressional reforms, the creation of the Conservative Opportunity Society in 1983 by young mavericks in the Republican Party, congressional conservatives' disappointment with the presidency of George H. W. Bush, and the Republican congressional reforms of 1995. The chapter argues that the state endured despite the political success of American conservatism in Congress.


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