scholarly journals The Scope of the Focus Particle ʾInnamā in the Qurʾān

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Kai Borrmann ◽  
Yehudit Dror

According to traditional Arabic grammar, the particle ʾinnamā has two functions: it serves as an emphatic particle (ḥarfu taʾkīd) or as a particle of restriction (ḥarfu ḥaṣr) denoting “only.” Our research focuses on the restrictive function of ʾinnamā, particularly its scope. Scholars typically explain that ʾinnamā is restricted to clause-initial position, while it always effects the last component in that clause. Our examination raised several findings regarding this particle: First, sentences introduced by ʾinnamā are often categorical statements discussing what it takes to be a believer, an unbeliever; of being God, the Devil or the Prophet. It is therefore comparatively easy to interpret and paraphrase them as conditionals or “if... then” statements. Also, these universal affirmative or negative propositions lend themselves as premises for further deductions that might be drawn from them. Second, the scope of ʾinnamā is versatile ‒ it can be a noun phrase, a prepositional phrase or a verbal phrase followed by its direct object, a relative clause or a complete sentence. These distinctions are not always clear-cut; in some cases there is a choice between two possible domains or scopes, depending on the structure of the ʾinnamā clause. In most cases, however, the verses allow one interpretation only, which is reducible to a genuine symbolic form of modern logic notation.

Author(s):  
Maaike Loncke ◽  
Sébastien M. J. Van Laere ◽  
Timothy Desmet

In this paper we show that attachment height (high vs. low attachment) of a modifier to a complex noun phrase (CNP; e.g., “the servant of the actress”), can be primed between dissimilar syntactic structures. In a sentence completion experiment, we found that the attachment height of a prepositional phrase (PP) in the prime sentence primed the attachment height of a relative clause (RC) in the target sentence. This cross-structural priming effect cannot be explained in terms of the priming of specific phrase-structure rules or even sequences of specific phrase-structure rules ( Scheepers, 2003 ), because the attachment of a PP to a CNP is generated by a different phrase-structure rule than the attachment of an RC. However, the present data suggest that the location at which the RC is attached to the CNP is mentally represented, independent of the specific phrase-structure rule that is attached, or by extension, that the abstract hierarchical configuration of the full CNP and the attached RC is represented ( Desmet & Declercq, 2006 ). This is the first demonstration of a cross-structural priming effect that cannot be captured by phrase-structure rules.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-296
Author(s):  
Anna Cichosz

Abstract This study shows that Old English conjunct clauses, i.e. main declarative clauses introduced by the coordinating conjunctions and and ac, resemble non-conjunct main clauses as far as the V-2 rule is concerned. Most importantly, this study reveals that the mechanism of SV inversion observed in OE conjunct clauses works according to all the principles defined for non-conjunct main clauses. The only difference, driven by the main discourse function of conjunct clauses, is that the clause-initial element in these clauses is usually the subject. However, if the subject is preceded by some other fronted constituent (e.g. an object, a complement, an adverb or a prepositional phrase), SV inversion is typical with nominal subjects, while personal pronoun subjects are only inverted if the clause-initial constituent belongs to a limited set of adverbs, i.e. þa and þonne (‘then’). In this way, this study reveals that the difference between Old English conjunct and non-conjunct main clauses is not as clear-cut as has traditionally been suggested.


Lexicon ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Adi Pratama

This research aims to find out the usage of phrase and clause types that are found in Michael Jackson song-lyrics such as Billie Jean, Beat It, Black or White, Dirty Diana, Earth Song, Heal the World, Man in the Mirror, Smooth Criminal, They Don’t Really Care About Us, and Thriller. The phrase and clause types are based on Eastwood’s categories. The phrase is divided into five types: (1) verb phrase, (2) noun phrase, (3) adjective phrase, (4) adverb phrase and (5) prepositional phrase, while the clause is divided into two types, namely main clause and sub clause. There are also four types of sub clause: (1) adverbial clause, (2) conditional clause, (3) noun clause, (4) and relative clause. This categorization can find out the usage of grammatical pattern in the sentence. In the analysis, the findings of phrases and clauses show that the most dominant number are noun phrase (51.94%) and main clause (63.74%).


Author(s):  
Hiroki Fujita ◽  
Ian Cunnings

Abstract We report two offline and two eye-movement experiments examining non-native (L2) sentence processing during and after reanalysis of temporarily ambiguous sentences like “While Mary dressed the baby laughed happily”. Such sentences cause reanalysis at the main clause verb (“laughed”), as the temporarily ambiguous noun phrase (“the baby”) may initially be misanalysed as the direct object of the subordinate clause verb (“dressed”). The offline experiments revealed that L2ers have difficulty reanalysing temporarily ambiguous sentences with a greater persistence of the initially assigned misinterpretation than native (L1) speakers. In the eye-movement experiments, we found that L2ers complete reanalysis similarly to L1ers but fail to fully erase the memory trace of the initially assigned interpretation. Our results suggested that the source of L2 reanalysis difficulty is a failure to erase the initially assigned misinterpretation from memory rather than a failure to conduct syntactic reanalysis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-252
Author(s):  
Alicja Piotrowska

Abstract In this paper I discuss the constructions with the group genitive and their use in today’s Swedish. The development of the s-genitive from a diachronic perspective, its degrammaticalization and the status of the s-genitive are discussed. The aim of the paper is to examine and analyse the use of the group genitive in the Swedish nominal phrases in three contexts, i. e. coordinated nominal phrases, nominal phrase with a prepositional phrase and nominal phrase with a relative clause. The group genitive’s domain is above all spoken, colloquial language. The analysed material consists of authentic examples of everyday use of language from the Swedish corpus Språkbanken and a questionnaire conducted among native speakers. The study shows that the group genitive is very productive with various types of nominal phrases in Swedish, even though it is still limited to colloquial and non-formal use of language.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Shanty A.Y.P.S Duwila

Focusing on single and multiple post-modification of noun phrase complexity in academic writing, this study adopted Berlage’s (2014) types of single and multiple post-modification of noun phrase to investigate the types and distributionof noun phrase on 15 abstracts of accredited local journal and 15 international journal indexed by Scopus. Subjects, objects, and complements are coded manually and then extracted for noun phrases. The findings revealed that both groups of writers heavily relied on noun phrase involving prepositional phrase in single-post modification and noun phrase involving prepositional phrase(s) and coordination(s) in multiple-post modification. This finding may give contribution to EFL teachers and material developers in order to provide information and materials about NP post modifiers that can be used in academic writing.  


Virittäjä ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 162
Author(s):  
Auli Hakulinen ◽  
Lea Laitinen

Anaphoric zero: Grammar and affect [myös suomeksi] (englanti)2/2008 (112)Anaphoric zero: Grammar and affectThe article examines the syntactic and semantic properties of the anaphoric zero in spoken and written Finnish. Referentially, the zero is equivalent to the third person pronoun hn he/she or he they. However, the writers started out with the hypothesis that this does not necessarily hold for other possible kinds of meaning conveyed by the two different devices, the anaphoric zero and anaphoric pronouns. In standardised written language the conditions for use of the zero are fairly clear cut: within a sentence it is mainly used as an anaphoric device, but in a subordinate clause that precedes the main clause it is also used as a forward-looking, anticipatory anaphor. In spoken language as well as in literary prose the syntactic conditions are more flexible. During the course of the research, it was the literary texts that proved especially fruitful for understanding the implications involved in the use of the anaphoric zero.In earlier work (e.g. Kalliokoski 1990; Heinonen 1995), it has been pointed out that the anaphoric zero typically ties two successive clauses together more tightly than a pronoun would. The writers are able to show that it does something else as well. In talk-in-interaction, it conveys the speakers commitment to and often affiliation with the previous speakers perspective and stance. In reported speech - both in spoken language and in literary dialogue - the zero can convey the speakers attitude concerning the thoughts of the person being referred to, for example irony and empathy.The writers argue that when the zero represents one alternative in a paradigm it is empty only in (morpho)syntactical terms, not in terms of meaning. Whether the speaker chooses a pronoun (hn or he) or a zero, he/she makes a rhetorical choice. The zero alternative creates implications, expressing the speakers affective stance and attitude in relation to the characters in the story, or his/her interpretation of the speech, thought or behaviour of the co-participant or the story character that he/she is quoting.It is striking that in more than 90 per cent of the 150 examples used, the verb is at the beginning of the utterance or turn. In the rest of the cases, the verb is often preceded by an epistemic adverb (varmaan definitely, tuskin hardly), or the utterance is formed as a fixed construction. The writers hypothesise that the grammar of the anaphoric zero should include verb initial position as one of its constitutive factors. This factor is typical both for co-ordinated and subordinated sentences of the standard written language that are governed by syntactic rules, and for the turn-initial expressions that arise from the speakers or narrators affective stance towards the matter at hand.Auli Hakulinen Lea Laitinen- - - - - - - - - - - -Anaforinen nolla: Kielioppia ja affektejaArtikkeli käsittelee anaforisen nollan syntaktisia ja semanttisia ominaisuuksia puhutussa ja kirjoitetussa suomessa. Referentiaalisesti nolla vastaa kolmannen persoonan pronomineja hän, he. Lähdimme kuitenkin siitä oletuksesta, että vastaavuus ei välttämättä koske niiden muita funktioita. Normitetussa kirjakielessä nollan käytön ehdot ovat jokseenkin selvät: virkkeen rajoissa se on anaforinen mutta päälausetta edeltävässä sivulauseessa myös eteenpäin katsova, ennakoiva anafora. Puhutussa kielessä samoin kuin kaunokirjallisessa proosassa anaforisen nollan syntaktiset ehdot ovat joustavammat. Varsinkin kaunokirjalliset tekstit osoittautuivat hedelmällisiksi yrittäessmme tutkimuksen kuluessa ymmrätää nollan käyttöön liittyviä implikaatioita. Aikaisemmassa tutkimuksessa (Kalliokoski 1990, Heinonen 1995) on todettu, että anaforinen nolla sitoo kaksi perättäistä lausetta tiukemmin yhteen kuin pronomini. Omassa tutkimuksessamme voimme osoittaa sen tekevän muutakin. Keskustelupuheessa se välittää puhujan sitoutumista ja usein asettumista (affiliaatiota) edellisen puhujan perspektiiviin ja asennoitumiseen. Referoinnissa - niin vapaassa puheessa kuin kaunokirjallisessa dialogissakin - nolla voi tuoda esiin puhujan asennoitumisen puheenalaisen henkilön ajatuksiin, esimerkiksi ironisia tai empaattisia affekteja.Väitämme siis, että kun nolla on yksi paradigman vaihtoehdoista, se on tyhjä vain (morfo)syntaktisesti, ei merkitykseltään. Käyttää puhuja sitten pronominia hän, he tai nollaa, hän tekee retorisen valinnan. Nollavaihtoehto luo implikaatioita, ilmaisee puhujan affektia ja suhtautumista kertomuksen henkilöön tai tulkintaa referoimansa puhekumppanin tai kertomuksen henkilön puheesta, ajattelusta tai käyttäytymisestä.Huomiota herttää, että yli 90 %:ssa 150 esimerkistämme verbi on lausuman- tai vuoronalkuinen. Lopuissa tapauksista verbi edeltää usein episteeminen adverbi (varmaan, tuskin) tai lausumana on kiteytynyt konstruktio. Hypoteesimme on, että verbialkuisuus on anaforisen nollan kieliopin tärkeä piirre. Se on tyypillinen kirjoitetussa kielessä sekä rinnasteisille ja alisteisille virkkeille, joita säätelevät kirjakielen normit, että vuoronalkuisille ilmauksille, jotka ilmentävät puhujan tai kertojan affektista suhtautumista käsillä olevaan. Auli Hakulinen Lea Laitinen


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-148
Author(s):  
Amitabh Vikram DWIVEDI

This paper is a summary of some phonological and morphosyntactice features of the Bhadarwahi language of Indo-Aryan family. Bhadarwahi is a lesser known and less documented language spoken in district of Doda of Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir State in India. Typologically it is a subject dominant language with an SOV word order (SV if without object) and its verb agrees with a noun phrase which is not followed by an overt post-position. These noun phrases can move freely in the sentence without changing the meaning of the sentence. The indirect object generally precedes the direct object. Aspiration, like any other Indo-Aryan languages, is a prominent feature of Bhadarwahi. Nasalization is a distinctive feature, and vowel and consonant contrasts are commonly observed. Infinitive and participle forms are formed by suffixation while infixation is also found in causative formation. Tense is carried by auxiliary and aspect and mood is marked by the main verb.


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