The Ideological Struggle

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Continuing the investigation into the labor-capital balance of power, Chapter 8 addresses the second of the three planes of struggle, that of ideological struggle. The chapter explores the delegitimation of organized labor in the press and how worker activists perceive this, as well as hostility towards organized labor from the political elites. This delegitimation is analyzed in the context of changing judicial narratives and the “constitutional revolution”, particularly the liberalization of labor law and the prominence of the “balance of rights” concept, including the increasing importance of third parties to labor disputes. These changes, reflected in the National Labor Court’s landmark Pelephone ruling, have undermined the salience of workers’ rights and collective rights, and strengthened employers’ rights. They have also realigned the front, pitting organized labor against “the public” as opposed to workers against their employer.

1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 654-665
Author(s):  
Leara Rhodes ◽  
Paget Henry

These authors examine the rise of the political resource model and the fall of the commodity model of the press in the Caribbean, concluding that a more equitable balance of power is needed between the public and private sectors of some Caribbean societies.


Author(s):  
Luís Guilherme Nascimento de Araujo ◽  
Claudio Everaldo Dos Santos ◽  
Elizabeth Fontoura Dorneles ◽  
Ionathan Junges ◽  
Nariel Diotto ◽  
...  

The political and economic crises faced today, evidenced by the manifestos of political parties and the texts published in social networks and in the press, point to Brazilian society the possibility of different directions, including that of an autocratic regime, with the return of the military to the public sphere. This article discusses the movements of acceptance and resistance to the military regime that was implemented in Brazil with the coup of 1964. It is observed that the military uprising received at that time the support of a large part of the Brazilian population, which sought ways to maintain its socioeconomic status to the detriment of a majority that perceived itself vulnerable in view of the forms of maintenance and expansion of power used by the regime. In this context, Tropicalism emerges as an example of a contesting movement. This text approaches the song "Culture and civilization" by Gilberto Gil, performed by Gal Costa, relating the ideas present in this composition with the understandings of politics and culture, in a multidisciplinary proposal, seeking to understand the resistance and counter-resistance movements that emerged in Brazil at the time.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 7, which addresses the labor-capital balance of power, conceptualizes three planes of labor struggle, anchored in concepts of union power: the “frontal struggle” of organizing drives, unionization and collective action; the “ideological struggle” in which organized labor defends its legitimacy and the legitimacy of collective labor relations; and the “institutional struggle” over the institutions and formalized frameworks that facilitate collective labor relations. The chapter then explores the first plane with an analysis of unionizing at Pelephone, which encountered extreme opposition from the employer and led to a groundbreaking ruling from National Labor Court determining what an employer may and may not do in opposition to an organizing drive. However, noting other employers’ continued opposition to labor organizing and their ability to ignore the spirit of the ruling, the chapter suggests that the frontal struggle is easily undermined if it has no general public support on the level of ideology.


Author(s):  
Mary-Rose Papandrea

Balancing the equally important but sometimes conflicting priorities of government transparency for public accountability versus government secrecy for national security seems intractable. One possibility is to recognize a constitutional right of access to government information. This would support democratic self-governance, allow the public to engage in meaningful oversight, and provide access to necessary information without the game of leaks. It could radically refocus arguments regarding the rights of government employees to reveal national security information and of third parties to publish it. Recognizing this right faces an uphill battle against decades of First Amendment jurisprudence. It also faces innumerable logistical and practical obstacles. It would not eliminate the need to determine when the public, the press, and government insiders can disclose national security information. Nevertheless, the ongoing collapse of press access norms and government’s increasing desire to operate outside public view may warrant dramatically rethinking First Amendment scope and protections.


1987 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
S. P. Pretorius

The contribution by the public press in promoting and establishing the merging of the three existing churches in the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek in the period 1881-1885 With this paper it is endeavoured to indicate that the public press, particularly in the years 1881 to 1885, made an important contribution to the promotion of the merging of the three existing churches in the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek in that same period. The hitherto unknown unity resulting from the developing Afrikaner Nationalism after the First Boer War of 1880 to 1881, has been overemphasized by the press to encourage a sense of emotionality to permit the political unity to overflow into the ecclesiastical province.


Slavic Review ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-445
Author(s):  
Robert Weinberg

One remarkable feature of the 1905 Russian Revolution was the efflorescence of labor organizations that occurred throughout the urban regions of the empire. Many workers throughout the empire demonstrated their resolve to promote and defend their interests in an organized and rational manner, with the mass labor movement often cutting across craft and occupational divisions to bring all kinds of workers into joint economic and political action against both employer and autocracy. As 1905 progressed the political radicalization of urban workers inspired much of the opposition movement that nearly brought the government to its knees. As several United States historians have recently shown, in 1905 organized labor, particularly trade unions, entered the political arena as a potent force, with workers simultaneously demanding individual rights of citizenship and collective rights of association.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 650
Author(s):  
Matheus Da Cruz e Zica ◽  
Patrícia Barros de Oliveira

Este artigo procura elucidar o debate que se constituiu pela imprensa ao longo das décadas de 1870 e 1880 nas províncias brasileiras da Paraíba e de Pernambuco em torno do modelo francês de monarquia parlamentar que contrastava com o federalismo republicano dos EUA. Assumindo o lugar de formadora da opinião pública a imprensa procurou trazer destaque para a questão do Espaço Público na medida em que modos distintos de se lidar com ele estavam em jogo em cada um daqueles modelos políticos internacionais idealizados. Também foram mapeadas algumas relações que os jornais analisados indiciaram entre os debates sobre o Espaço Público e as retóricas de modernidade que os acompanhavam. Com frequência a questão da ciência e da técnica pareceu eclipsar a dimensão do conflito que é próprio do universo político e da esfera pública, unificando os olhares em torno de um deslumbramento com as benfeitorias materiais que o século prometia.Palavras chave: Espaço Público, Formação, Imprensa. AbstractThis article seeks to elucidate the debate that was constituted by the press throughout the 1870s and 1880s in the Brazilian provinces of Paraíba and Pernambuco around the French model of parliamentary monarchy that contrasted with the republicanism of the USA. Taking over the role of public opinion maker, the press sought to highlight the issue of the Public Space since that distinct ways of dealing with it was considered in each of those idealized international political models. This article also mapped some relations that the newspapers analyzed betrayed between the debates on the Public Space and the rhetoric of modernity that accompanied them. Often the question of science and technique seemed to eclipse the dimension of conflict that is proper to the political universe and the public sphere, unifying the glances around a dazzle with the material improvements that the century promised.Keywords: Public Space, Formation, Press.  ResumenEste artículo busca esclarecer el debate que se constituyó por la prensa a lo largo de las décadas de 1870 y 1880 en las provincias brasileñas de Paraíba y de Pernambuco en torno al modelo francés de monarquía parlamentaria que contrastaba con el federalismo republicano de EUA. Asumiendo el lugar de formadora de la opinión pública la prensa trató de destacar la cuestión del Espacio Público en la medida en que modos distintos de lidiar con él estaban en juego en cada uno de aquellos modelos políticos internacionales idealizados. También se han mapeado algunas relaciones que los periódicos analizados indiciaron entre los debates sobre el espacio público y las retóricas de modernidad que los acompañaban. Con frecuencia la cuestión de la ciencia y de la técnica parecía eclipsar la dimensión del conflicto que es propio del universo político y de la esfera pública, unificando las miradas en torno a un deslumbramiento con las mejoras materiales que el siglo prometía.Palabras clave: Espacio Público, Formación, Prensa.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 1134-1143
Author(s):  
Ramya Vasudevan

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi has today become an iconic figure, a symbol of many things for many people. He is seen variously as the great opponent of European Colonism,as a champion of civil rights for racial, religious and other minorities, as an important critic of the industrial system of production, as a great pacifist, or as a person who stood for the need to resist injustice in a non-violent way. In the process, he developed the new technique of civil resistance now universally known as Satyagraha. His political, social and spiritual development during those years led to his manifesto of 1909-Hind Swaraj or Indian Self-rule a work that was considered so scandalous by the British. Gandhi returned to India in 1915 and after a period of settling in soon established himself as a champion of the peasantry, leading to confrontations with white indigo planters in Champaran in 1917 and the colonial tax bureaucracy in Kheda in 1918.He also led a successful strike in Ahmedabad. In 1917 he staged his first all India protest-the Rowlatt Satyagraha and followed this in 1920 by gaining control over the Indian National Congress and launching the Non-Cooperation Movement in which Indians withdrew their support for British Colonial institutions. This was followed in later years by two more powerful confrontations with the British-the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930-1934 and the Quit India Movement of 1942.These movements were reflected through the Press which is the powerful media which forms the predominant role in molding the information of the public opinion. It reflects the political and socio-economic opinion of the people and emerges as an important source of information for framing the political scenario of a nation or a region according to the nature of its publication.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Ruth Malau

<p><em>Countries that embrace the ideology of freedom of the press, the court is of opinion that is commonly encountered in public spaces. Media, in this case could be interpreted as a medium in favor of the public interest which requires the presence of a new color in Libyan politics for 42 years filled with pressure and persecution.</em></p><p><em>Revolutionary period which lasted for most of the year 2011, which then shows how the media have spread the legality of its influence over public opinion. The mass media in Indonesia does have the power to set the political agenda, because democracy gives him legal to do so.</em></p><p><em>However, court opinions that appeared in the Libyan revolution is not because the country embraced the ideology of freedom of the press, but because of the pull-menaraik between freedom of the press with dimensions embedded control during the reign of Gaddafi.</em></p>


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter analyzes the overlapping ideas about international society to be found in the political thought of three leading late Victorian liberal thinkers: T. H. Green (1836–82), Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), and Henry Sidgwick (1838–1900). In so doing it focuses on what Stefan Collini has labeled the world of the “public moralists”—the world, that is, of influential and well-connected British intellectuals who flourished in the universities, in Parliament, and in the press. Despite their manifold political and philosophical differences, Green, Spencer, and Sidgwick shared and articulated complementary visions of the past, present, and future of international society. This was not simply a happy coincidence of views—it was an understanding of international politics generated from within their distinctive intellectual systems. They simultaneously reflected and contributed to late Victorian liberal thinking about international affairs.


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