The Anticommunist International

2020 ◽  
pp. 94-129
Author(s):  
Colleen Woods
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Labor Strikes ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Global War ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines how, by the late 1940s, the Philippine state—with the support of U.S. military dollars, equipment, and advisers—launched a war against its own citizens in the name of global anticommunism. After World War II, peasant uprisings in Central Luzon, labor strikes on U.S. military bases in the islands, and the appeal of the Philippine Communist Party threatened to dissolve U.S. policymakers' efforts to promote Philippine independence as a testament to the benevolence and anti-imperial impulses of U.S. foreign aid and policies. In opposition, a multiyear counterinsurgency campaign brought millions of dollars of U.S. military aid into the country, resulting in the increased militarization of Philippine society as well as the near total defeat of peasant and working-class alternatives to Philippine elite control of the state. But while Filipino politicians affirmed decolonization in Southeast Asia, they also faced the challenge of explaining how Philippine independence could effectively coincide with the substantial U.S. political, economic, and military intervention needed to quell the violence in Central Luzon. Despite U.S. and Philippine pronouncements that the nation represented a “showcase of democracy,” the bloodletting in Central Luzon would eventually attract the attention of the international press, which also called into question the stability and legitimacy of the newly independent Philippine Republic. In response, Americans and Filipinos effectively collaborated to reinterpret peasant complaints against the state through the lens of a global war against communism.

Home Front

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian M. Pleasants
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
The State ◽  
Home Front ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
World War ◽  
Selective Service ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
War Bonds

Home Front tells about the extraordinary transformation of North Carolina as a result of World War II. Emphasis is on the large number of military bases; selective service; rationing and the sale of war bonds; German submarine warfare off the coast; women in the war; racial issues; German prisoners of war in the state; North Carolina’s heroes; and the contributions made by the textile, tobacco, farming, shipbuilding, and lumber industries during the war.

Fast Urban Development of Cetinje – Old Royal Capital of Montenegro

2014 ◽  
Vol 584-586 ◽  
pp. 564-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goran Radovic ◽  
Vera Murgul ◽  
Nikolay Ivanovich Vatin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Urban Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
State Affect ◽  
Architectural Development ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Functional Content

Built on the urban principles, Cetinje, as the royal capital of Montenegro untill 1914, for forty years of intensive develop ment and construction has achieved the urban functional content, which has made it closer to the developed European capitals. Its town-construction has been developing during this period depending on the development of social forces, which led internal and foreign policy of the state and sought that the stability and reputation of the state affect through the development and image of Cetinje, as its capital. This work includes urban and architectural development of Cetinje from XV century until World War II.

The Revival of German Unions of Local Authorities After World War II

1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1182-1187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger H. Wells
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Economic

A democratic and peace-loving Germany must have sound political, economic, social, and ethical foundations. On the political side, this means, among other things, the restoration of local self-government, destroyed by Nazi rule and now in process of being rebuilt. Fortunately, Germany has a long tradition of local self-government on which to build. The tradition reaches back to the Middle Ages, but was lost in the centralizing absolutism of modern times. With the reforms of Stein in 1808, a new chapter in the history of local self-government began which lasted on down through the Bismarckian Empire and the Weimar Republic.One of the attributes of local self-government is freedom of association. In other words, local authorities may voluntarily unite in associations for the promotion of their mutual interests and the defense of their rights against encroachments by the state. For example, the United States has its state leagues of municipalities, federated into the American Municipal Association, France has its Union des Villes et Communes de France, and Britain has its Association of Municipal Corporations. The same was true of pre-Hitler Germany, with its various unions of cities (Städte), rural counties (Landkreise), rural communes or municipalities (Landgemeinden), and provinces.The first German union of local authorities was the Hanover Städteverein founded in 1866 while Hanover was still an independent kingdom. Thirty years later (1896), the cities of all Prussia formed the Preussischer Städtetag. In that same year, the Bavarian cities were also organized. These various state unions were finally united (1905) into an all-German association known as the Deutscher Städtetag. In addition to the state unions, larger cities were direct members of the organization—usually cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants and constituting Stadtkreise (city-counties or county-boroughs, to use the English terminology). In 1931, 279 cities held direct membership in the Deutscher Städtetag.

Metamorphoses of memory of the the Russian-Serbian Brotherhood of War in Modern Serbia

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Second World

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.

Lincoln Kirstein’s Social Modernism and the Cultural Front

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Harris
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Biographical Approach ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter takes a biographical approach to Lincoln Kirstein’s creation of a modernist theory of ballet to situate its development in the 1930s cultural wing of the Popular Front and explore its evolution through and after World War II. Fueled by the cultural front’s belief in the role of the arts in social revolution, Kirstein seized the opportunity to decouple ballet from existing biases about its elitism and triviality, and formulate new ideas about its social relevance in the Depression period. After exploring the development of Kirstein’s social modernism in the cultural front, chapter 2 then turns to the challenges posed to the 1930s belief that art could be productively combined with politics through two major turning points in Kirstein’s life. These are his experiences in World War II, and the erosion of his own artistic role in the ballet company after the formation of the New York City Ballet and the ascendance of George Balanchine’s dance-for-dance-sake aesthetic in the late 1940s. The chapter illustrates Kirstein’s attempts to negotiate the social modernist aesthetic he crafted under the wing of the cultural front within the volatile political, economic, and artistic circumstances of World War II, anticommunism, and the Cold War.

The Great Auto Theft

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-161
Author(s):  
Christian Klösch
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Local Population ◽  
The State ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
Online Database ◽  
World War ◽  
Auto Theft ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
German Reich

In March 1938 the National Socialists seized power in Austria. One of their first measures against the Jewish population was to confiscate their vehicles. In Vienna alone, a fifth of all cars were stolen from their legal owners, the greatest auto theft in Austrian history. Many benefited from the confiscations: the local population, the Nazi Party, the state and the army. Car confiscation was the first step to the ban on mobility for Jews in the German Reich. Some vehicles that survived World War II were given back to the families of the original owners. The research uses a new online database on Nazi vehicle seizures.

The Elusive Search for Evidence: Evgenii Khaldei’s Budapest Ghetto, Images of Rape, and Soviet Holocaust Photography

Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
David Shneer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Social History ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Jews ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

I began studying Soviet photography in the early 2000s. To be more specific, I began studying Soviet photographers, most of whom had “Jewish” written on their internal passports, as I sought to understand how it was possible that a large number of photographers creating images of World War II were members of an ethnic group that was soon to be persecuted by the highest levels of the state. I ended up uncovering the social history of Soviet Jews and their relationship to photography, as I also explored how their training in the 1920s and 1930s shaped the photographs they took during World War II.

African American Journalists in World War II West Africa: The NNPA Commission Tour of 1944–1945

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110549
Author(s):  
Oliver Coates
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
West Africa ◽  
American West ◽  
West African ◽  
Gold Coast ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Economic

The National Negro Publishers Association (NNPA) Commission to West Africa in 1944–1945 represents a major episode in the history of World War II Africa, as well as in American–West Africa relations. Three African American reporters toured the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Liberia, and the Congo between November 1944 and February 1945, before returning to Washington, DC to report to President Roosevelt. They documented their tour in the pages of the Baltimore Afro-American, the Chicago Defender, and the Norfolk Journal and Guide. Their Americans’ visit had a significant impact in wartime West Africa and was widely documented in the African press. This article examines the NNPA tour geographically, before analyzing American reporters’ interactions with West Africans, and assessing African responses to the tour. Drawing on both African American and West African newspapers, it situates the NNPA tour within the history of World War II West Africa, and in terms of African print culture. It argues that the NNPA tour became the focus of West African hopes for future political, economic, and intellectual relations with African Americans, while revealing how the NNPA reporters engaged African audiences during their tour.

scholarly journals ARCHBISHOP STEPINAC, THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA AND WESTERN ALLIES

1970 ◽  
pp. 272-293
Author(s):  
MILAN KOLJANIN ◽  
DRAGICA KOLJANIN
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
World War ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Holy See ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
The Government

There are various doubts and ambiguities regarding the dispatch of the memorandum by the Government of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) to the Western Allies asking for military intervention in early May 1945, giving rise to different interpretations in historiography. These varying interpretations are related to the circumstances of the dispatch of the memorandum, its text, the actions of prominent representatives of the Ustasha government, relations between the new Yugoslav authorities and Western allies, especially the British and the role of Archbishop Stepinac and the Holy See in the ISC. In order to understand the memorandum, it is necessary to consider the most important political and military circumstances at the end of World War II in Yugoslavia, especially the politics of the new Yugoslavia and the Western powers, primarily the British. The representatives of the Holy See in the ISC and the Archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, played an important role in efforts to preserve the Ustasha state. This paper was written based on unpublished and published archival sources and relevant historiographical literature.

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