Guarding the Daughter

Author(s):  
Ruth Streicher

This chapter traces constructions of gendered and sexualized difference in the Thai imperial formation by examining the more intimate matters of the conflict. These include discourses regarding rape and romantic relationships, the establishment of female paramilitary units to police Patani women, and military support for women's groups in the South. The focus of concern for the Thai military is not ultimately the daughter but the respectability of the family. The seduction of the daughter risks sullying the image of the imperial family and putting into question the father's masculine ability to protect; worse, the sexualized intrusion threatens the body politic because the undesired union might yield unwanted offspring. The “mission of 'guarding our daughter'” consequently aims at policing her sexuality in order to restore both the paternal authority of the Thai state over the southern provinces and the respectful order that regulates the rightful reproduction of the imperial formation.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
Dandan Chen

How did southern China figure in Beijing, the Qing capital? Here “the South” (Jiangnan) must be understood as a cultural rather than geographical term. It does not, however, merely refer to the cultural space in which intellectuals gathered but, rather, to their lifestyle and spiritual existence typical of the elites who resided in regions south of the Yangzi River. This sense of the South involved the body, sense, memory, and everyday experience of Han culture in this period. Using Foucault’s notion of the “body politic,” I consider the South in opposition to macro politics, the Qing regime, which carried out society’s disciplinary and punishment functions. The body politic is a kind of “micro power,” which can sometimes override or undermine macro politics. In the process of accepting discipline and punishment from the Qing court, the South, drifting northward as its most talented men arrived to serve the Qing, was able to penetrate and reshape national politics in Beijing. In this sense, it maintained a measure of influence even in the face of hostile macro politics. To unpack the interaction between macro politics and micro politics, this article explores how the southern literati migrated to Beijing and established cultural circles there; how southern literati rewrote the idea of the “South” in the North and turned its remembrance into textual, physical, and spiritual rituals; and finally, how the South and the inscribing of the South, either in text or in action, served as a mode of existence for Chinese elites. I consider how intellectuals maintained or created links to the old culture by extending the South into the real spaces of the North and, more importantly, into their psychology.


Author(s):  
Francisco Brusa ◽  
Cristina Damborenea

We describe a new genus anda newspecies of Polycladida,Namyhplana henriettae(Platyhelminthes, Euplanidae), which lives associated with the tubes of the bivalveBankia martensiin the fjords of the South Pacific Ocean in Chile. This species is characterized by a ribbon-like body, light brown colour, anterior region devoid of pigment, few eyes, no tentacles, pharynx in the anterior region of the body with few folds, independent gonopores anterior to the medial body line, seminal vesicle strongly muscularized, digitiform penian papilla oriented posteroanteriorly, a curled vagina, and a large Lang's vesicle ventral to the intestine. A phylogenetic analysis of the Euplanidae, based on morphological characters, is presented. With the dataset used, the family Euplanidae does not seem to be a monophyletic group. The new species is closely related toTaenioplana teredini(also discussed here) which presents life-habit characteristics that are similar to those of the new species.


Author(s):  
Marli F. Weiner ◽  
Mazie Hough

This conclusion discusses the political significance of different definitions of the body for slaves, slaveholders, and physicians in the antebellum South. It begins by telling the story of T. S. Hopkins, a physician from Waynesville, Georgia, who published an article titled “A Remarkable Case of Feigned Disease” in the March 1853 Charleston Medical Journal and Review. In his article, Hopkins presented “the history of the case” of a slave man named Nat, who was suffering from “liver affection.” The doctor initially interpreted Nat's condition in terms of hysteria, but later claimed it was “the result of a severe attack of climate fever.” This conclusion argues that Hopkins's presentation of Nat's story is illustrative of the ways in which the body politic of the South was rooted in race and sex. In particular, it considers Hopkins's recognition of the power of the body in defining slavery. It also describes how science and medicine reinforced each other; medicine served to define bodies and minds and their characteristics with the growing authority of science.


2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-92
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Chesney Zegura

In Heptaméron 31, Marguerite de Navarre portrays a lascivious “Cordelier” or Franciscan who takes over a matron’s household during her husband’s absence, kills her servants, and disguises the woman as a monk before abducting her. Despite its surface resemblance to Rutebeuf’s “Frère Denise,” which also unveils a Franciscan’s lechery, Marguerite’s narrative is not a simple anticlerical satire. Within it we find a critique of the over-trusting husband, metaphors of censorship, an inquest into the dialectics of silence and (in)sight, a foregrounding of the victims’ body language, and analogies between the body politic and the body of the family. With these tools Marguerite folds into her nouvelle an allegory of reading; a cautionary tale about the dangers of mistaking outward “works” for true godliness; and an histoire tragique with political overtones that figure a crisis of authority between Reform theology’s “two kingdoms,” or secular and sacred governance, in sixteenth-century France. Marguerite de Navarre, dans le conte 31 de L’Héptaméron, dépeint un « cordelier » (franciscain) luxurieux qui, en l’absence du mari, s’empare du foyer d’une dame, tue ses serviteurs, la déguise en moine et l’enlève. Malgré la ressemblance avec le «Frère Denise” de Rutebeuf, qui met aussi en scène un franciscain débauché, le récit de Marguerite n’est pas une simple satire anticléricale. On y trouve en effet d’autres éléments: une critique du mari trop confiant, des métaphores de la censure, une exploration de la dialectique entre silence d’une part et vue (et perspicacité) de l’autre, le spectacle du langage corporel des victimes, et des analogies entre les corps politique et le corps familial. Par ces moyens, Marguerite insère dans sa nouvelle une allégorie de la lecture, une mise en garde contre le danger de méprendre les « actes » visibles pour de l’authentique bonté et, enfin, une histoire tragique aux accents politiques où se donne à lire une crise de légitimité opposant les « deux royaumes » de la théologie de la Réforme dans la France du seizième siècle: le gouvernement d’ici-bas et le gouvernement sacré.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 126-148
Author(s):  
Smitha S. Nair ◽  
Rajesh Kalarivayil

The last three decades have witnessed campaigns in India by the women’s health movement against provider-controlled contraceptives, i.e., long-acting contraceptives, non-surgical sterilisation and anti-fertility vaccines. These campaigns are examined to understand and analyse the engagement of women’s groups with contraceptive technology in opposing the entry of these contraceptives into the Family Planning Programme (FPP) of the country. The rise of social movements challenging scientific knowledge and scientific institutions is attributed to the “scientisation” of politics; however, we argue that the politicisation of contraceptive technology and its research was the result of women’s collective action in India. The paper explores collective action strategies and intersecting frames of overpopulation, development and technology used by women’s groups to consistently oppose the provider-controlled contraceptives from entering the FPP of the country. The paper uses the internal documents of women’s organisations, media reports and personal interviews to explore the engagement of women’s collective action with contraceptive technologies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-445
Author(s):  
Justine GUICHARD

AbstractAs modern constitutions speak in the name of the people, they contribute to constituting the body politic by making potentially contentious claims about its members’ identity, rights, and duties. Focusing on the North and South Korean Constitutions, this article examines the claims about peoplehood articulated in both texts since their concurrent adoption in 1948. The analysis argues that these claims are irreducible to the North and the South competing over two ideologically antagonistic conceptions of the body politic—a rivalry supposedly embodied in and magnified by their constitutions’ use of differentiated terms to designate the people: inmin and kungmin. Instead, these categories should be seen in light of their synchronic commonalities in the North and South Korean Constitutions as well as diachronic transformations throughout the successive versions of each text, revealing that constituting the people has been less a matter of conflict between both Koreas than within each.


1914 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-338
Author(s):  
Anna Garlin Spencer

The Nineteenth Century was ushered in with trumpet-calls to self-assertion and social freedom. A vague but long-cherished hope of the elect of humanity that the masses, each and all, might yet become persons, crystallized during the eighteenth century into a popular assertion of “equality of rights” in the body politic as “the first of rights” and essential to the process of universal individuation. Thus was born the democratic State. The Church in Christian civilization had long before recognized the independent personality of all, even of slaves and of women, in its spiritual Magna Charta, which secured to every human being the right to own his own soul and laid upon each the burden of saving it. The Protestant Reformation added to this the duty of understanding “the plan of salvation,” and hence reinforced, and in many instances initiated, the demand of the State for an intelligent electorate. Thus Church and State worked together to call into being the free, tax-supported school, and to make compulsory some minimum of formal education. The democratic State and the democratic school have worked together to create slowly legalized freedom of association for manual laborers. Labor reform organizations, springing up at once as soon as legal restrictions upon such associations were removed, have initiated the collective struggle for common industrial betterment. Of the five basic institutions of society, therefore—the family, the Church, the State, the school, and the industrial order—four are already well on their way toward thorough-going democratization. It is necessary to remind ourselves of these familiar facts in order to escape the common error of treating some one institution of society as a detached social structure, the problems concerning which are to be solved independently of other human relationship. The first, the most vital, the most intimate, and the most universal of social institutions, that of marriage and the family, has longest resisted re-adjustment to the new ethics involved in the now accepted principle of equality of human rights.


The article features psychological correction work with women in violation of affiliate affection. It describes the main themes that arise when working with women’s groups, such as the theme of the perception of the body, life stages and effectiveness of the implementation of women’s experience, relationships with significant female figures (mother, sister, grandmother). For each of the types of disturbed partnership attachment given tasks that are divided into three levels: emotional, cognitive and behavioral. In ideological terms, psychological correction work on the principles of psychoanalytic psychology and client-centered psychotherapy, K. Rogers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaustubh Deka

The body of women in India’s northeast is both racialized and gendered as the region continues to be constructed through the binaries of post-colonial sate-society conflicts and often treated as the ‘other’ of the nation state. A conflict centric approach however has mostly focused on women’s interventions in the society from the perspective of their ‘peace making’ capacities and thus obscuring some other significant roles performed historically by organized women power in the region: activities that predate and, in fact, in some crucial ways influence their gradual mobilization towards the role of peace making. Some of the prominent women led social movements that began in the decades of 1970s and 1980s around the issue of alcohol prohibition had gradually transformed into movements taking up issues of human rights violations and peace negotiations besides others. In this context it is interesting to look into the instances of anti-alcohol or prohibitionist protests undertaken by women in India’s northeast, specially focusing on prominent women’s groups in the states of Manipur and Nagaland, that points at the complex roles played by women’s groups in crafting a public space for the women to articulate their opinion in these societies even when they face challenges from within and without and come to terms with the dilemmas of having to take some difficult position both against the state and the community.


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