scholarly journals THE STATE'S ROLE IN OIL SPILL CLEANUP

1971 ◽  
Vol 1971 (1) ◽  
pp. 541-544
Author(s):  
John D. Harper

ABSTRACT With the policy of the Federal Government to respond generally to oil and hazardous material spills beyond the response capability of state and local governments, it has become necessary for the Fifty States and other governmental units to initiate measures whereby Strike Forces can be deployed by the states to contain and recover the numerous minor oil and hazardous material spills that increasingly occur. Since the states and local governments provide police and fire protection for their citizens, they are now being asked to furnish a capable team of trained personnel with necessary equipment to safeguard the environment, the marine in particular, from the abuses of accidental oil and hazardous material spills. The John Muir oil spill in Wausau, Wisconsin, in October - November, 1970, has shown how necessary it is for assistance at the state or local government level to be available for those spills not requiring federal or industry response. It is recognized that the states and local governments are increasingly being burdened with fiscal responsibilities in excess of revenues for the services they provide their citizens. This could be one area where the Federal Government could work in partnership with the state and local governments by providing financial assistance.

Author(s):  
R. Kelso

Australia is a nation of 20 million citizens occupying approximately the same land mass as the continental U.S. More than 80% of the population lives in the state capitals where the majority of state and federal government offices and employees are based. The heavily populated areas on the Eastern seaboard, including all of the six state capitals have advanced ICT capability and infrastructure and Australians readily adopt new technologies. However, there is recognition of a digital divide which corresponds with the “great dividing” mountain range separating the sparsely populated arid interior from the populated coastal regions (Trebeck, 2000). A common theme in political commentary is that Australians are “over-governed” with three levels of government, federal, state, and local. Many of the citizens living in isolated regions would say “over-governed” and “underserviced.” Most of the state and local governments, “… have experienced difficulties in managing the relative dis-economies of scale associated with their small and often scattered populations.” Rural and isolated regions are the first to suffer cutbacks in government services in periods of economic stringency. (O’Faircheallaigh, Wanna, & Weller, 1999, p. 98). Australia has, in addition to the Commonwealth government in Canberra, two territory governments, six state governments, and about 700 local governments. All three levels of government, federal, state, and local, have employed ICTs to address the “tyranny of distance” (Blainey, 1967), a term modified and used for nearly 40 years to describe the isolation and disadvantage experienced by residents in remote and regional Australia. While the three levels of Australian governments have been working co-operatively since federation in 1901 with the federal government progressively increasing its power over that time, their agencies and departments generally maintain high levels of separation; the Queensland Government Agent Program is the exception.


Author(s):  
Laura Thaut Vinson

This chapter explores the problem of rising pastoralist–farmer and ethnic (religious and tribal) violence in the pluralistic Middle Belt region of Nigeria over the past thirty to forty years. In particular, it highlights the underlying issues and conflicts associated with these different categories of communal intergroup violence, the human and material costs of such conflict, and the broader implications for the Nigerian state. The federal government, states, local governments. and communities have not been passive in addressing the considerable challenges associated with preventing and resolving such conflicts. It is clear, however, that they face significant hurdles in resolving the underlying grievances and drivers of conflict, and their efforts have not always furthered the cause of conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Greater attention to patterns of inclusion and exclusion and to the allocation of rights and resources will be necessary, particularly at the state and local government levels, to create a more stable and peaceful Middle Belt.


2008 ◽  
pp. 2439-2451
Author(s):  
Robert Kelso

Australia is a nation of 20 million citizens occupying approximately the same land mass as the continental U.S. More than 80% of the population lives in the state capitals where the majority of state and federal government offices and employees are based. The heavily populated areas on the Eastern seaboard, including all of the six state capitals have advanced ICT capability and infrastructure and Australians readily adopt new technologies. However, there is recognition of a digital divide which corresponds with the “great dividing” mountain range separating the sparsely populated arid interior from the populated coastal regions (Trebeck, 2000). A common theme in political commentary is that Australians are “over-governed” with three levels of government, federal, state, and local. Many of the citizens living in isolated regions would say “over-governed” and “underserviced.” Most of the state and local governments, “… have experienced difficulties in managing the relative dis-economies of scale associated with their small and often scattered populations.” Rural and isolated regions are the first to suffer cutbacks in government services in periods of economic stringency. (O’Faircheallaigh, Wanna, & Weller, 1999, p. 98). Australia has, in addition to the Commonwealth government in Canberra, two territory governments, six state governments, and about 700 local governments. All three levels of government, federal, state, and local, have employed ICTs to address the “tyranny of distance” (Blainey, 1967), a term modified and used for nearly 40 years to describe the isolation and disadvantage experienced by residents in remote and regional Australia. While the three levels of Australian governments have been working co-operatively since federation in 1901 with the federal government progressively increasing its power over that time, their agencies and departments generally maintain high levels of separation; the Queensland Government Agent Program is the exception.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azham Md. Ali ◽  
Ram Al Jaffri Saad, Aryati Juliana Suleman, Ahmad Zamil Abd Khalid ◽  
Juergen Dieter Gloeck

This paper is part of the third and final study conducted on the state of internal audit in the public sector of Malaysia. The first study was concerned with the internal audit operations in the state and local governments found in  Peninsular Malaysia (Azham et al 2007a), while the second study was concerned with internal audit in the nation’s federal government ministries, departments and agencies (Azham et al 2007b). This third study covers 47 organizations at the federal government level, comprising 27 statutory bodies and 20 government-linked companies. From the face-to-face interviews conducted with internal auditors over the three year period 2005 to 2007, several notable audit features emerged as common to all 47 organizations. Some are depressing, while a few others are encouraging. All in all, however, the internal audit function in a majority of the organizations still leaves much to be desired. Also, it is notable that these findings are very much like those of the previous two internal audit studies (Azham et al 2007a; 2007b), and to make sense of the dismal state of the internal audit function in the public organizations, there is perhaps a need to look at the bigger context within which the internal audit function is found.


Author(s):  
David Vogel

This chapter discusses the efforts to protect Yosemite and the sequoias in the Sierras in the nineteenth century and then turns to the more heated conflicts over the fate of the coastal redwoods. The roots of California's tradition of civic mobilization lie in nature protection. This tradition began with the efforts of a few prominent individuals—including John Muir, Horace Greeley, and Frederick Olmsted—and then became institutionalized in the upper-middle-class Sierra and Sempervirens clubs and the predominantly upper-class Save-the-Redwoods League. Broader grassroots citizen mobilization played a critical role in campaigns to return control of Yosemite to the federal government, expand the size of and increase the funding for state parks, and protect endangered sequoias in the Sierras. The state's administrative capacity to protect California's scenic environment was initially limited, paralleling its inability to regulate hydraulic mining during the mid-nineteenth century. However, this capacity subsequently expanded through the establishment of institutions such as the State Board of Agriculture, the State Forestry Commission, and the State Parks Commission.


Significance Some hard-right members of the Republican congressional caucus argue that allowing federal spending to lapse and threatening a government shutdown could force legislators to approve steep cuts to the federal bureaucracy. As congressional factions, leaders and President Donald Trump’s administration weigh in on government spending, debates about the appropriate scope of federal agencies and programmes are likely to feature prominently. Impacts Costly entitlement programmes are unlikely to be targeted for cuts owing to their popularity. Congressional allies of USAID will block Trump’s plan to consolidate it into the State Department. Empty executive branch-appointed positions will hinder the effective functioning of the federal government. The proposed abolition of the state and local tax deduction for federal taxes will place pressure on sub-national government programmes.


Author(s):  
Viktor Nyzhnyk ◽  
Oleh Rudyk

The study is devoted to the substantiation of the basic components of the mechanism of regulation of social and labor relations in the united territorial communities of Ukraine. The article analyzes the research on the role of the state and local governments in regulating and developing social and labor relations at the local level. The leading world concepts in regulating social and labor relations have been characterized. The purpose and role of local self- government bodies in regulating social and labor relations have been defined. The basic scientific approaches to the concept of “community development” have been investigated. Based on the research, the basic components of the mechanisms of regulation of social and labor relations in the united territorial communities have been identified and their characteristics have been given.


Author(s):  
Carol S. Weissert ◽  
Jessica L. Ice

This chapter reviews research on relations between state and local governments. The authors focus on the different types of local governmental units and their relationship to the state, decentralization and local autonomy, and state oversight and funding in policy implementation. The authors summarize the strengths and weaknesses of research on state–local relationships and offer suggestions for future research questions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-373
Author(s):  
David Popp

AbstractInnovation is an important part of energy policy, and encouraging clean energy innovation is often an explicit goal of policy makers. For local governments, promoting clean energy innovation is seen not only as a pathway to a cleaner economy but also as a tool for promoting the local economy. But is such optimism warranted? There is a substantial literature examining the relationships between innovation and environmental policy, but few studies focus explicitly on innovation at the state and local level. In this paper, I provide key lessons from research on clean energy innovation, focusing on lessons relevant for state and local governments. I then summarize the results of a recent working paper by Fu et al. (2018) that studied wind energy innovation across individual states in the United States. While state-level policies can promote clean energy innovation, it is overall market size that matters most. Thus, innovation need not occur in those states most actively promoting clean energy. I conclude with lessons for state and local governments drawn from both this work and the broader literature on energy innovation.


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