scholarly journals Entre Senegâmbia e Angola: comércio atlântico, protagonismo africano e dinâmicas regionais (séculos XVII e XIX)

Afro-Ásia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felipe Silveira de Oliveira Malacco ◽  
Ivan Sicca Gonçalves

<p>Este artigo tem por intenção discutir o funcionamento do comércio de longa distância no interior de duas regiões que foram profundamente integradas às malhas do comércio atlântico, a Senegâmbia e a Angola Central, em dois momentos de reconfiguração econômica dessas macrorregiões: a intensificação do contato dos povos da Senegâmbia com o comércio atlântico nos séculos XVI e XVII e as novas demandas por gêneros coloniais de Angola em meados do XIX, após a proibição legal do tráfico de escravizados. Para isso, analisamos as dinâmicas sociais e econômicas pré-existentes nas regiões, os agentes comerciais envolvidos neste comércio, bem como a circulação de mercadorias atlânticas, debatendo por fim sobre as transformações políticas, sociais e econômicas causadas por esses processos históricos.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>comércio atlântico | agência | Senegâmbia | Planalto Central angolano.</p><p> <em> </em></p><p><em><em><strong>Abstract:</strong></em></em></p><p><em>This article discusses the operation of long distance trade within two regions that have been deeply integrated into </em><em>networks of </em><em>Atlantic </em><em>commerce</em><em>, Senegambia and Central Angola, </em><em>during</em><em> two </em><em>periods when these macro-regions </em><em>were undergoing economic reconfiguration: the intensification of contact </em><em>by </em><em>Senegambian peoples with Atlantic trade in the 16th and 17th centuries, and the new demands for colonial goods from Angola in the mid-1800s, after the real prohibition</em> <em>of the slave trade. Thus, we analyze the preexisting social and economic dynamics in the regions, the commercial agents, and the circulation of Atlantic goods, debating the political, social and economic transformations caused by these historical processes.</em></p><p><em><em><em><strong>Keywords: </strong></em></em>atlantic commerce | agency | Senegambia | Angolan Central Highlands.</em></p>

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-174
Author(s):  
Dan Boscov-Ellen

Mainstream ethical debates concerning responsibility for climate change tend to overemphasise emissions and consumption while ignoring or downplaying the structural drivers of climate change and vulnerability. Failure to examine the political-economic dynamics that have produced climate change and made certain people more susceptible to its harms results in inapposite accounts of responsibility. Recognition of the structural character of the problem suggests duties beyond emissions reduction and redistribution - including, potentially, a responsibility to fundamentally restructure our political and economic institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaia Delpino

AbstractThis essay analyzes the political dynamics involved in the construction of belonging in the case of African Americans’ “return” from the diaspora generated by the Atlantic slave trade to a town in Southern Ghana. Given the articulated belief of common ancestral origins, such arrival was initially welcomed by all the three groups of actors involved: thereturnees, the local authorities, divided by a chieftaincy dispute, and the Ghanaian government that was supporting homecoming policies. The concepts of origins and kinship and the way to validate them, though, were differently conceived by the various political actors; furthermore each of them held dissimilar reasons and had different expectations behind this return. All these differences created a mutual, mutable and dynamic relation between the actors who were involved in the arrival and aimed to assert their authority.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 697-709
Author(s):  
Jock Macleod

AS AN UNDERGRADUATE IN THE1970s, my introduction to the 1890s was perfunctory. Squeezed into a couple of weeks in the middle of a year-long course on “Victorian and Modern Literature,” the literature of the decade was reduced to aestheticism and decadence and presented as something of a preliminary to the real business of modernism. Such a focus reflected the scholarship of the time, in which thefin de sièclewas constructed as a moment of transition, one in which the political and socio-ethical dimensions so central to high Victorian literature were evacuated, as arguments for the autonomy of art came to dominate the literary cultural landscape. The organising principle was one of bifurcation: the separating out ofavant gardefrom bourgeois culture, the high from the low and, of particular relevance to this essay, literature from politics.


Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgitta Ingemanson

During the winter of 1922-1923 when she was just beginning her diplomatic career, Bolshevik activist Aleksandra Kollontai wrote two novels and several short stories that were immediately published in Russia and subsequently combined into two volumes under the titles Liubov’ pchel trudovykh and Zhenshchina na perelome. They were dismissed as mere autobiographical romances, indulging in unhealthy introspection and dangerously divorced from the “real” demands of society. At a time when Soviet Russia was facing enormous challenges connected with the reconstruction after the civil war and with the partial return to a market economy under the New Economic Policy (NEP), Kollontai's focus on domestic relationships and the status of women seemed narrow and excessively private.


1973 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. S. O'Fahey

The institutions of slavery, slave raiding and the slave trade were fundamental in the rise and expansion of the Keira Sultanate of Dār Fūr. The development of a long-distance trade in slaves may be due to immigrants from the Nile, who probably provided the impetus to state formation. This process may be remembered in the ‘Wise Stranger’ traditions current in the area. The slave raid or ghazwa, penetrating into the Baḥr al-Ghazāl and what is now the Central African Republic, marked the triumph of Sudanic state organization over the acephalous societies to the south.The slaves, who were carefully classified, were not only exported to Egypt and North Africa, but also served the sultans and the title-holding elite as soldiers, labourers and bureaucrats. In the latter role, the slaves began to encroach on the power of traditional ruling groups within the state; the conflict between the slave bureaucrats and the traditional ruling elite lasted until the end of the first Keira Sultanate in 1874.


Author(s):  
Leonardo Marques

Chapter 5 discusses the forms of U.S. participation in the transatlantic slave trade to Brazil during the illegal era. It shows how Portuguese and Brazilian slave traders employed multiple U.S. resources in the traffic and the political tensions generated by the multiple forms of U.S. participation in the slave trade.


Dialog ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-43
Author(s):  
Miftahussurur Miftahussurur

This descriptive­analytics article is aimed to trace­back the dynamics and fragmentation of political Islam in Indonesia. It focuses on relation between the dynamics of political Islam and its historical process and its social-political context. After reformation era, the power of political Islam in Indonesia has been getting highly and more fragmented. Rather, the fragmentation was seemingly caused by interest of elites than ideology dispute. It was the reason why the power of political Islam has been never unified, even to boost the people’s interest. The political Islam tended to struggle enforcing God’s law (syariah) rather than solving the real problem such as economy and basic need of society or ummah. In the fact, enforcing the Syariah law was merely artificial one. Finally, the political Islam always fails in transforming social, economy and politics due to its elitism.


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