scholarly journals Green Military New Deal

2021 ◽  
pp. 18-37
Author(s):  
Eduardo Castillo-Vinuesa ◽  
Iuliia Gankevich
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Social Insurance ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Address Climate Change ◽  
Ability To Act ◽  
Information Logistics ◽  
New Energy ◽  
The Military ◽  
Climate Crisis

Among the most decisive challenges that the climate crisis will bring during up coming decades will be the necessity to overcome the current lack of planetary ecosystem governance. The void that exists where proper geopolitics should reside demands a recalibration of the focus of design towards the conception, implementation, and support of new institutional models capable of reconfiguring established infrastructural, ecosystem and governance structures. The rising awareness of the lack of ecological agency has recently led to the emergence of several proto-policies branded under the name of “Green New Deals” (GNDs): the green proposals across the world that aim to address climate change and economic inequality. However, the implementation of the GND’s goals requires not only the necessary infrastructural means for decarbonisation but also a set of social insurance mechanisms able to guarantee social stability during the transition to a new energy regime. The complexity that this task poses in relation to society, the economy, manufacturing industries and goods and information logistics will require the establishment of an institution capable of intervening in the regulation and coordination of all the parties involved. Green Military New Deal (GMND) is a research proposal that lies between the legislative models of ecosystem governance and the institutions capable of enforcing them. It speculates about the military establishment as a proto-platform that could fulfil the institutional gap created by the GND’s demands. Would it be possible to reimagine the military establishment as a trans-national ecological force capable of mobilising and enforcing proper ecosystem management, conscious of its ability to act as a welfare provider while deploying its technological resources? Our research offers an informed approach toward this counterintuitive premise, uncomfortable as it may be, by forcing us to question how certain existing institutions could be properly repurposed to address issues of global necessity.

scholarly journals Big data for climate action or climate action for big data?

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 205395172098203
Author(s):  
Maria I Espinoza ◽  
Melissa Aronczyk
Keyword(s):  
Big Data ◽  
Environmental Sustainability ◽  
Global Climate ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Address Climate Change ◽  
Data Practices ◽  
Climate Action ◽  
User Data ◽  
Climate Crisis ◽  
Depth Interviews

Under the banner of “data for good,” companies in the technology, finance, and retail sectors supply their proprietary datasets to development agencies, NGOs, and intergovernmental organizations to help solve an array of social problems. We focus on the activities and implications of the Data for Climate Action campaign, a set of public–private collaborations that wield user data to design innovative responses to the global climate crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews, first-hand observations at “data for good” events, intergovernmental and international organizational reports, and media publicity, we evaluate the logic driving Data for Climate Action initiatives, examining the implications of applying commercial datasets and expertise to environmental problems. Despite the increasing adoption of Data for Climate Action paradigms in government and public sector efforts to address climate change, we argue Data for Climate Action is better seen as a strategy to legitimate extractive, profit-oriented data practices by companies than a means to achieve global goals for environmental sustainability.

THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN TO ABOLISH THE MILITARY DEATH PENALTY, 1919–1930

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN McHUGH
Keyword(s):  
Small Group ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Labour Government ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Military

This is a study of a successful parliamentary campaign led throughout the 1920s by a small group of backbench Labour MPs aimed at abolishing the military death penalty for the offences of cowardice and desertion. It was sustained in the face of opposition from the military establishment, the Conservatives, and finally the House of Lords. The campaigners used the opportunity afforded by the requirement on government to pass, annually, an Army Bill, to challenge the military establishment's insistence that a capital penalty was essential to the maintenance of army discipline. Despite the unwillingness of the 1924 Labour government to confront the military on this issue, the reformers persevered, securing some minor, incremental reform before the coming of the second Labour government in 1929. The new government was prevailed upon by backbench pressure to authorize a free vote in the Commons which approved the abolition of the capital penalty for cowardice and desertion in the Army Act of 1930.

Black Soldiers in World War II America

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Jefferson
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Military Training ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Black Soldiers ◽  
American Military ◽  
The Military ◽  
American Racism

The history of the African American military experience in World War II tends to revolve around two central questions: How did World War II and American racism shape the black experience in the American military? And how did black GIs reshape the parameters of their wartime experiences? From the mid-1920s through the Great Depression years of the 1930s, military planners evaluated the performance of black soldiers in World War I while trying to ascertain their presence in future wars. However, quite often their discussions about African American servicemen in the military establishment were deeply moored in the traditions, customs, and practices of American racism, racist stereotypes, and innuendo. Simultaneously, African American leaders and their allies waged a relentless battle to secure the future presence of the uniformed men and women who would serve in the nation’s military. Through their exercise of voting rights, threats of protest demonstration, litigation, and White House lobbying from 1939 through 1942, civil rights advocates and their affiliates managed to obtain some minor concessions from the military establishment. But the military’s stubborn adherence to a policy barring black and white soldiers from serving in the same units continued through the rest of the war. Between 1943 and 1945, black GIs faced white officer hostility, civilian antagonism, and military police brutality while undergoing military training throughout the country. Similarly, African American servicewomen faced systemic racism and sexism in the military during the period. Throughout various stages of the American war effort, black civil rights groups, the press, and their allies mounted the opening salvoes in the battle to protect and defend the wellbeing of black soldiers in uniform. While serving on the battlefields of World War II, fighting African American GIs became foot soldiers in the wider struggles against tyranny abroad. After returning home in 1945, black World War II-era activists such as Daisy Lampkin and Ruby Hurley, and ex-servicemen and women, laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.

scholarly journals The Military Coups in Shadow of Democratization (A Comparative Study of Turkey and Mauritania)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Descriptive Approach ◽  
The Military

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 

scholarly journals The Limits of Possibilities of Religious Politics: The Case of the Tehreek-i-Labbaik in Pakistani Punjab

2021 ◽  
pp. 003802292110510
Author(s):  
Hassan Javid
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Religious Right ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Religious Parties ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
The Military

Historically, despite the tremendous influence exerted by Islam on public life, religious parties and organisations have historically failed to do well at the ballot box, receiving an average of only 6% of votes cast in elections since the 1980s. Focusing on the case of the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a new Barelvi political party and social movement that has campaigned on the emotive issue of blasphemy since being formed in 2015, this article argues that the clientelistic, patronage-based nature of democratic politics in Punjab, coupled with factionalism and competition within the religious right, continues to play a role in limiting the electoral prospects of religious parties. Nonetheless, as was seen in the General Elections of 2018 in which the TLP outperformed expectations, there are particular circumstances in which the religious parties are able to make electoral breakthroughs. While the TLP was able to make effective use of populist rhetoric to garner some genuine support for itself, this article argues that the organisations sustained campaign of protests over the issue of blasphemy fed into broader efforts by the military establishment and opposition political parties to destabilise and weaken the government of the PML-N prior to the 2018 elections.

scholarly journals Climate crisis and social work: lack of climate crisis education in social work curriculum

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tasneem Zaman
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Environmental Justice ◽  
Transformative Learning ◽  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Global Climate ◽  
Theoretical Frameworks ◽  
Address Climate Change ◽  
The Social ◽  
Climate Crisis ◽  
Natural Disaster Management

This paper argues that social work curriculum ignores the pressing matter of the ongoing global climate crisis. Using the theoretical frameworks of anti-racism and anti-colonialism, I propose four ways to deal with this curricular gap in social work, which are the following: 1) to insert ethical obligations on the part of social workers to address climate change and environmental justice within the social work code of ethics, 2) to expand the person-in-environment focus to include nature and environmental justice, 3) to embrace a transformative learning paradigm, and 4) to implement a mandatory course on natural disaster management.

scholarly journals Climate crisis and social work: lack of climate crisis education in social work curriculum

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tasneem Zaman
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Environmental Justice ◽  
Transformative Learning ◽  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Global Climate ◽  
Theoretical Frameworks ◽  
Address Climate Change ◽  
The Social ◽  
Climate Crisis ◽  
Natural Disaster Management

This paper argues that social work curriculum ignores the pressing matter of the ongoing global climate crisis. Using the theoretical frameworks of anti-racism and anti-colonialism, I propose four ways to deal with this curricular gap in social work, which are the following: 1) to insert ethical obligations on the part of social workers to address climate change and environmental justice within the social work code of ethics, 2) to expand the person-in-environment focus to include nature and environmental justice, 3) to embrace a transformative learning paradigm, and 4) to implement a mandatory course on natural disaster management.

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