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2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agus Aribowo ◽  
◽  
Anny Nurbasari ◽  
Bram Hadianto

In a democracy, a general election is a platform for citizens to use their political rights. However, not all citizens use it well, leading to an imperfect voting participation level. This situation motivates this study to exist. With this intention, this paper examines and analyzes the participation to vote decision in the party general election in 2019 based on gender and ages. Backing up this goal, we use the people in three regencies in West Java: Subang, Majalengka, and Sumedang, as the population. Because of these areas, we utilize multistage random sampling to take 600 people as the samples. As the statistical checking, we use the Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal-Wallis to test the hypotheses based on the categorical responses. After investigating the answers through the statistical test and discussing their outputs, we deduce that the participation of females is lower than that of males, demonstrating the gender gap. Also, the younger the participants, the higher involvement to vote.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agus Aribowo ◽  
Anny Nurbasari ◽  
Bram Hadianto

In a democracy, a general election is a platform for citizens to use their political rights. However, not all citizens use it well, leading to an imperfect voting participation level. This situation motivates this study to exist. With this intention, this paper examines and analyzes the participation to vote decision in the party general election in 2019 based on gender and ages. Backing up this goal, we use the people in three regencies in West Java: Subang, Majalengka, and Sumedang, as the population. Because of these areas, we utilize multistage random sampling to take 600 people as the samples. As the statistical checking, we use the Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal-Wallis to test the hypotheses based on the categorical responses. After investigating the answers through the statistical test and discussing their outputs, we deduce that the participation of females is lower than that of males, demonstrating the gender gap. Also, the younger the participants, the higher involvement to vote.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 362
Author(s):  
Matt Jaquiery ◽  
Marwa El Zein

Background: Responsibility judgements have important consequences in human society. Previous research focused on how someone's responsibility determines the outcome they deserve, for example, whether they are rewarded or punished. Here, in a pre-registered study (Stage 1 Registered Report: https://doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.16480.2), we investigate the opposite link: How outcome ownership influences responsibility attributions in a social context.  Methods: In an online study, participants in a group of three perform a majority vote decision-making task between gambles that can lead to a reward or no reward. Only one group member receives the outcome and participants evaluate their and the other players' responsibility for the obtained outcome. Results: We found that outcome ownership increases responsibility attributions even when the control over an outcome is similar. Moreover, ownership had an effect on the valence bias: participants’ higher responsibility attributions for positive vs negative outcomes was stronger for players who received the outcome. Finally, this effect was more pronounced when people rated their own responsibility as compared to when they were rating another’s player responsibility. Conclusions: The findings of this study reveal how credit attributions can be biased toward particular individuals who receive outcomes as a result of collective work, both when people judge their own and someone else’s responsibility.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Matt Jaquiery ◽  
Marwa El Zein

Responsibility judgements have important consequences in human society. Previous research focused on how someone's responsibility determines the outcome they deserve, for example, whether they are rewarded or punished. Here, we investigate the opposite link: How outcome ownership influences responsibility attributions in a social context. Participants in a group of three perform a majority vote decision-making task between gambles that can lead to a reward or no reward. Only one group member receives the outcome and participants evaluate their and the other players' responsibility for the obtained outcome. Two hypotheses are tested: 1) Whether outcome ownership increases responsibility attributions even when the control over an outcome is similar. 2) Whether people's tendency to attribute higher responsibility for positive vs negative outcomes will be stronger for players who received the outcome. The findings of this study may help reveal how credit attributions can be biased toward particular individuals who receive outcomes as a result of collective work.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-395
Author(s):  
Eun Kyung Kim

ABSTRACTThe existing literature has demonstrated that both ethnic and economic factors affect a vote decision in African democracies. I show that there is a meaningful interaction between the two cleavages in their influence on voting. In particular, I argue for political salience of agricultural subsectors that shape the electoral consequences of economic performance in the context where agricultural policy affects the livelihood of the majority population. Relying on the analyses of the 2007 and 2013 elections in Kenya, I illustrate how likely an individual, who is attached to a politically coherent ethnic group, votes for a candidate, the majority of whose ethnic members engage in the same industry as the voter himself regardless of the candidate's ethnicity. The results show that the sector factor reinforces the positive and negative effects of ethnic communities on incumbent support, and also explains voting by ethnic minorities whose motives for voting are not ethnic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-433
Author(s):  
Scott Callahan

AbstractThis article studies the political activities of individual cotton farmers and cotton political action committees (PACs) by exploiting a vote to amend the 2008 Farm Bill. Using a simultaneous model, I estimate reduced form equations for donations from cotton farmers and cotton PACs using tobit models, which instrument donations in the probit vote equation to control for the hypothesized endogeneity between campaign contributions and legislative votes. I find evidence that cotton farmers, like cotton PACs, contribute to legislators representing a median cotton farming constituency. I find no evidence that contributions from cotton farmers or cotton PACs significantly affected the vote decision.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina ◽  
Nanuli Silagadze
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Willocq

In the last decades, Western democracies have witnessed an increase in the proportion of voters who make their electoral choice late in the campaign. Consequently, scholars have paid considerable attention to this phenomenon and attempted to identify the factors which influence time of vote decision. This article reviews the literature on the determinants of decision timing. Several studies suggest that women and young citizens are more likely to be late deciders. Besides, party identification has been shown to hasten the electoral decision, whereas attitudinal ambivalence and network cross-pressures have been found to delay the crystallisation of vote intentions. Moreover, previous work reveals that strategic voters decide later than do their sincere counterparts. Special attention is also devoted to the debate on whether the phenomenon of late deciding can be seen as the consequence of a lack of political sophistication or as the product of a high level of political engagement.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Michael D Martinez

While partisanship is commonly conceived as the long term force in the voting decision, most models of voter choice include contemporaneous measures of partisanship, as well as issue preferences and retrospective evaluations as explanatory variables. In this paper, I use four multiyear panel studies spanning half a century to examine how well prior partisanship predicts future vote. Prior partisanship is strongly correlated with later vote choice, but that relationship is weaker during periods of party change, for younger voters and those who do not see differences between the parties, and in the face of strong short term forces. Despite evidence of the endogeneity of partisanship, we should also not lose sight of its long-term value as a predictor of vote choice. 


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