Gender differences in videoed accounts of victim blaming for revenge porn for self-taken and stealth-taken sexually explicit images and videos

Using video recounts from revenge porn victims, this study explores whether levels of victim blaming differs for the sharing of self- and stealth-taken sexually explicit images and videos. Building on previous work which has demonstrated victim blame for both self- and stealth generated images in occurrences of revenge porn (Zvi & Schechory-Bitton, 2020), the reported study presents an original and ecologically valid methodological approach whereby 342 (76 male, 266 female) participants (Mage = 39.27, SD = 11.70) from the UK watched videoed accounts of real experiences of falling victim to revenge porn, rather than using text based, often fictional, vignettes to attribute blame which dominate studies in this area. All data was collected in 2019. The results demonstrated that significantly more blame was assigned to victims when participants were indirectly rather than directly asked who was to blame for the occurrence of revenge porn, supporting the notion of an unconscious processing bias in attributing blame. More blame was also assigned to those victims who themselves generated the material compared to when it had been acquired without their awareness by a perpetrator, suggesting the cognitive bias to be in line with a just world hypothesis. Male participants were more likely to blame a victim than were female participants, although sex of victim and mode of shared sexually-explicit material (video or image) did not appear to affect levels of victim-blame. Findings are considered in terms of extant research and the need for future work in the area of victim blame and revenge pornography.

Reproductive Health Knowledge, Attitude and Practice Among Adolescents Attending Secondary Schools in Asmara, Eritrea

Background: Adolescent reproductive health problems are a great threat to adolescent’s warfare and such problems are associated with inadequate knowledge. In Eritrea, as adolescent reproductive health is not given much attention the knowledge is expected to be poor, which could lead adolescents to become victims of adolescence related reproductive health problems and limit their opportunity to build a better future. Therefore, this study was carried out with the aim of investigating the reproductive health knowledge, attitude and practice among secondary school students in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea. Methods: A cross sectional study design was conducted on 428 adolescent high school students with the age range of 14 to 19 years. Sample size was determined by using a single population proportion formula. Initially, population size of each school and each grade was taken and proportional sample size was determined from each school and then from each grade. The list of students was used and participants were selected using simple random sampling. Data was collected through a structured self-administered questionnaire. Descriptive and inferential analysis were made using SPSS (version 22). Statistical significance level was set at P<0.005.Results: The median age of the study participants was 15 (IQR=2), in which 88.8% were between age of 14 to 16 years with 53% of them being females. The level of knowledge of the students regarding RH was low, with moderate to good attitude. Sexual practice was very low (3.5%) with usage of 86.7% of contraceptive use. Meanwhile, the usage of sexually explicit material was relatively higher (53%). Conclusions: Reproductive health knowledge was low almost in all variables. Meanwhile, significant number of students are already engaged in heterosexual romantic relationships and use of sexually explicit material. Adolescents need to be knowledgeable about themselves and the people they relate to, need sound information about the physical, psychological and social changes that take place through childhood to adolescence.

Does size matter? Genital self-image, genital size, pornography use and openness towards cosmetic genital surgery in 3662 Swedish men and women

This cross-sectional study investigated the distribution and characteristics of genial self-image in a large sample of males and females, and whether factors such as actual genial size (length of penis or protrusion of labia minora), consumption of sexually explicit material (SEM) or avoidance and safety seeking behaviors were associated with genital self-image. Overall, 3.6% of females and 5.5% of males suffered from a severely low genital self-image and 33.8% of all individuals reported dissatisfaction with the appearance of their genitalia, with 13.7% of females and 11.3% of males being positive towards undergoing cosmetic genital surgery. Mean protrusion of labia minora and stretched flaccid penis length in the population was estimated to 0.76 cm (95% CI 0.63-0.89 cm) and 12.5 cm (95% CI 12.33-12.76 cm), respectively. A better genital self-image was associated with having a larger penis or less protruding labia minora, but not associated with the degree of SEM consumption, although 93.6% of males and 57.5% of females had consumed SEM in the past three months. Avoidance and safety seeking behaviors were strongly correlated with a negative genital self-image. Considering this relationship, more research is warranted in the development of potential psychological interventions in order to alleviate genital dissatisfaction in individuals.

Pornography as a US Public Health Problem

Pornography is being indicted as a public health crisis in the United States and elsewhere, but the professional public health community is not behind the recent push to address pornography as a public health threat. While pornography may not be contributing directly to mortality or acute morbidity for a substantial percentage of people, it may be influencing other public health problems, such as sexual violence, dating abuse, compulsive behavior, and sexually transmitted infections. However, the evidence to support pornography as a causal factor is mixed, and there are numerous other factors that have more strongly established associations with these outcomes of interest. Throughout history, repressive forces have inflated the charges against sexually explicit material in order to advance a morality-based agenda. Nevertheless, a public health approach and tried public health practices, such as harm reduction and coalition-building, will be instrumental to addressing the emergence of mainstream Internet pornography.

Pornography and Aggression

This chapter reviews the results of ecological time-series studies, experimental studies, case-control studies, and meta-analyses of the relationship between pornography viewing and aggression perpetration. Antisocial personality characteristics can increase the risk that a subset of pornography viewers will engage in sexually aggressive behavior subsequent to pornography exposure. Public health professionals may be invited to play a role in policy decision-making that balances the public’s right to sexually explicit material against the risk that some viewers may be activated by viewing violent-looking pornography.

Enhanced Self-Control for the Prevention of Pornography of Student in Senior High School

The lack of students' self-control led to the emergence of pornography. The phenomenon of pornography is a general term that refers to sexually explicit material that may be softcore or hardcore and can also be referred to as things that attempt to stimulate and increase sex drive with text and images. Self-control is the ability to organize, guide, regulate, and direct forms of behavior that can lead to positive consequences. The purpose of this study was to describe students' self-control at SMA N 1 Merbau. This research uses descriptive analysis. The research sample consisted of 128 students who were taken using purposive sampling technique. The instrument used was "Self-control scale in preventing pornography" with a reliability value of (0.888). The results showed that: most of the students as many as (65.6%) of the students had "moderate" self-control in the prevention of pornography, then a small proportion of students (2.3%) of students had "low self-control". "In the prevention of pornography. Furthermore, as many as (5.5%) students had “very high” self-control in preventing pornography and as many as (26.6%) students had “high” self-control in preventing pornography. The results of the study generally showed that students' self-control was in the medium category with a percentage of 65.6% and it needed to be improved in order to prevent pornography. The results of this research can be used as a basis for counseling teachers in providing guidance and counseling services to prevent student pornographic behavior in schools.

Obscenity Trials and American Literature

While obscenity is notoriously difficult to define and the test for determining obscenity has shifted over time, typically the term has referred to the crime of publishing prohibited, sexually explicit material. Obscenity has always been a criminal offense in the United States. Citing English common law, judges in the early republic and antebellum periods maintained that obscenity threatened to degrade the nation’s character. Nevertheless, obscenity law was not strongly or consistently enforced throughout the United States until the Comstock Act in 1873. Anthony Comstock, founder of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, targeted Walt Whitman’s Leaves of Grass along with publications by advocates for feminism, free love, and birth control. American courts adopted the test put forth by Lord Chief Justice Sir Alexander Cockburn in Regina v. Hicklin (1868), which held that obscenity was defined by “the tendency . . . to deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to such immoral influences, and into whose hands a publication of this sort may fall.” Obscenity became a battleground not only for debates about gender and sexual politics but also about the nature of the public sphere. During the 20th century, American literary presses and magazines became increasingly willing to challenge bans on sexually explicit speech, publishing controversial works including The Well of Loneliness by Radclyffe Hall and Ulysses by James Joyce. Modernist authors transgressed the legal bounds of propriety to explore the unconscious, fight for erotic pleasure free from heteronormative restraints, or claim aesthetic autonomy from moral and legal restrictions. United States v. One Book Called “Ulysses” (1933) struck a blow against the Hicklin test. Affirming Judge John M. Woolsey’s not guilty verdict, Judge Augustus Hand proposed a new test for obscenity that anticipated many of the themes that would emerge when the Supreme Court took up this question with Roth v. United States (1957), which defined obscenity as “whether to the average person, applying contemporary community standards, the dominant theme of the material taken as a whole appeals to the prurient [i.e., sexual] interest.” The Court liberalized obscenity law even as it maintained restrictions on pornographic literature, setting off a wave of censorship cases including trials on Howl and Other Poems by Allen Ginsberg, Lady Chatterley’s Lover by D. H. Lawrence, Tropic of Cancer by Henry Miller, and Naked Lunch by William S. Burroughs. After Roth, lawyers defending borderline obscene publishers pushed for courts to hold that a work could not be obscene if it possessed any redeeming literary or social value. Free speech libertarians succeeded with Memoirs v. Massachusetts (1966) and Redrup v. New York (1967). Although Miller v. California (1973) clawed back this ruling by stipulating that a work must possess “serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value” to be cleared of obscenity, in the 21st century obscenity convictions for publishing textual media have been limited to a handful of cases concerning pornographic depictions of child sexual abuse. Obscenity remains on the books but largely unenforced for literature.

Pornography

Sexually explicit images are among the oldest known representational artifacts, and yet none of these were ever understood as “pornography” until the word and concept began to emerge in Western European languages during the 19th century. At that time, it was used equally to refer to written texts and visual representations. The word has since entered into much more widespread usage, often referring to any and all sexually explicit material, more often to material that appears specifically designed “to stimulate erotic rather than aesthetic feelings” (Oxford English Dictionary). Since the popularization of internet pornography in the late 20th century, the term has even come to be applied to any image considered to emphasize the pleasure and seduction of the viewer over realistic representation (as in “food porn,” “real estate porn,” etc.). Many attempts have been made to define pornography more specifically, but little consensus has been achieved. Courts of law have generally avoided defining the word “pornography,” preferring to categorize sexually explicit or arousing representations in terms of “obscenity.” Feminist scholars have disagreed on the definition of pornography to the extent that the conflict became known as the “Porn Wars” of the last several decades of the 20th century. Sexually explicit or sexually stimulating representations can elicit powerful emotional responses that vary widely, and they are inextricable from questions of social power. Thus, the very act of defining pornography is implicated in political struggles over some of the most fundamental issues of human life: gender, sexuality, social equality, and the nature and power of representations. There remains no general or stable agreement concerning what it is, what effects it may have, or even whether it exists at all.