Clara Zetkin (1857–1933)

In her essays and speeches, Clara Zetkin argues that the workers’ movement and the women’s movement are co-dependent, and that it is only if male and female workers cooperate that they will be able to overcome economic and social injustices and inequalities. Furthermore, she analyzes different forms of oppression, explains how they relate to and enable one another, and makes appeals for international solidarity with oppressed people everywhere.

MARGINAL VOICES IN ALICE WALKERS STRONG HORSE TEA

The dominant forces, the torchbearers of civilizations in America, have always silenced marginal voices.Thereligious books have always been the instrumental foundationsfor the whites to retaindominance across the world. Ruthlesswhites like the Aryansdefeated the nativesand enslaved them in their trap. They enforced slavery and imbibed the superstitious notions and outdated religious rituals that never allowed the oppressed to question its authorityon the base of reason and science. In the twentieth century, the emergence of revolutions and the movements for the human rights of the African Americans forced the imperialists to accept democratic values, implement, and administer them in the countries. Under the influence of the dominant oppressive forces, thewhiteskept the downtrodden and oppressed people ignorant about it. The pains and problems of the people did not end with the abolition of slavery and untouchability in both the countries but continuedhorribly in racist, classist, and sexist society. The vintages of slavery resulted from the race and caste are still on display in the slums.The humble dwellers in the slumsstruggle never ending problems caused by the elite dominated industrialism and capitalism in the metropolitan citieswhere there is hardly any room and scope for their growth and emancipation. Alice Walkers Strong Horse Tea voicesthe margins who were rejected and dejected for ages. This paper is an attempt to throw light on the margins within the margins and voice the miserable livesof the oppressed, those who struggle against the oppressionandare silenced meticulously by the hypocritical ruthless masters.

Ingratitude is not an option: gratitude as imago Dei

The thesis of this paper is that gratitude is “hard-wired” into the very fiber of our being. Humans were created in the image and likeness of God, and God was thankful for what God had created. Thus, if we are the imago Dei, we must feel gratitude as God did. The author suggests that one of the key components of the imago Dei is the Erotic, explaining that the Erotic is more than what we do sexually; on the contrary, it adds texture and fiber to every area of our lives, resulting in passion, com/passion, and mutuality. It inspires us to reach beyond ourselves to others, as Jesus directed his disciples to do when he said, “Love your neighbor as yourself,” and as he demonstrated with his inclusive, healing touch. Using feminist and queer theology and biblical interpretation, Bohache demonstrates that the Other is our neighbor and that our gratitude must extend to those who are unlike ourselves. Often, marginalized or oppressed people have the ability to express gratitude in extraordinary ways, simply by virtue of what they have experienced as the Other. The author describes some paradigms that have been proposed for accessing gratitude and thus tapping into our imago Dei, concluding with how we might still empower gratitude, com/passion, and mutuality in the midst of a pandemic.

BOOK REVIEW: REFLEKSI 60 TAHUN PMII; HARAPAN DAN TANTANGAN

Refleksi 60 Tahun PMII; Harapan dan Tantangan's books were written to commemorate PMII's 60th birthday. The Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (PMII) is an external campus student organization that has been established on April 17, 1960, in Surabaya and is based in Jakarta and is a member of the Cipayung organization. Starting with the motto "Dhikr, Thinking, and Mahbub Djuanedi chaired virtuous Charity" PMII for the first time. PMII is one of the organizations that exist among students because of its various achievements and movements in the national arena. Play a role in fighting for the rights of the oppressed people that depart from the fundamental values of the movement of fellow human beings to have one another and feel the same suffering from one human to another.

BOOK REVIEW: REFLEKSI 60 TAHUN PMII; HARAPAN DAN TANTANGAN

Refleksi 60 Tahun PMII; Harapan dan Tantangan's books were written to commemorate PMII's 60th birthday. The Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (PMII) is an external campus student organization that has been established on April 17, 1960, in Surabaya and is based in Jakarta and is a member of the Cipayung organization. Starting with the motto "Dhikr, Thinking, and Mahbub Djuanedi chaired virtuous Charity" PMII for the first time. PMII is one of the organizations that exist among students because of its various achievements and movements in the national arena. Play a role in fighting for the rights of the oppressed people that depart from the fundamental values of the movement of fellow human beings to have one another and feel the same suffering from one human to another.

Dalit feminism in cremation novel

The word Dalit was a Marathi word in a common sense of oppressed people. Today, in the defined sense of the Depressed Classes, it is an all-India term and an ideology. It is a collective symbol of some of the Depressed Classes and a symbol of a cultural politics. In the Tamil context, dalit manifestations, events and its main functions have been high since the nineties. Dalit women are depressed in the grip of untouchability, denied basic rights on the basis of caste. The purpose of this article is to examine the lack of education of Dalit women in the cremation novel, the burning of corpses in the graveyard, the suffering they suffer from professionalism, the misery and difficulties suppressed by caste degradation.

Self-Respect under Conditions of Oppression

Serene Khader argues against the widespread view that oppressed people have a self-regarding obligation to resist complying with oppressive norms, in order to preserve their self-respect. Khader notes that the cost of noncompliance is often underestimated. Flouting oppressive norms often poses substantial threats to an agent’s welfare and even her self-respect, and compliance may express self-respect, by affirming a commitment to the importance of her own projects and to gaining the means to pursue them. Khader offers an alternative way of maintaining self-respect in the face of oppression, namely to cultivate knowledge of the oppressive situation faced by oneself and one’s group, and to develop a normative perspective that recognizes and seeks to rectify injustices.

Identity and the Language in NoViolet Bulawayo’s We Need New Names

Humans have been migrating for centuries. This paper tries to delineate the formation of hybrid identities using the transnational theory of migration in a postcolonial context. Throughout the colonial and the postcolonial history, the voices of migrant experiences have been overlooked. They had accepted their position as silent spectators to their own stories without a voice, without opinion and without choice. Their Silence was being read as a form of acceptance and approval without delving much into the social, political and economic milieu of the era. This paper aims at understanding the dynamics of language and the choice of the migrant community to rise above their status as silenced subjects and oppressed people and share their experiences. It intends to explore the language differences and the search for an identity in NoViolet Bulawayo’s We Need New Names which tells the story of a diasporic African teenager who tries to grapple with the host country culture while still holding to the memories of her homeland and a yearning to go back home. The paper tries to understand the search and development of a hybrid and transnational identity of the migrant.

Suara Sang Subaltern: Sebuah Narasi Autobiografi Perempuan Tanpa Nama dalam Hakim-hakim 19

This paper offers a postcolonial feminist reading of Levi’s concubine narration recorded in the Book of Judges 19 that focuses on the subaltern voice from Gayatri Spivak's thinking. It defines the subaltern as oppressed people who cannot speak on their own to represent themselves. This study was conducted by autobiographical criticism. Through auto-biographical narratives, the story is re-told through the nameless woman's point of view as the subaltern and it will reveal the narrative of her unspeakable suffering. The nameless woman's voice was claimed to be the voice that was cast but refused silence, and now it produces an autobiographical narrative that echoes the voices of subalterns silenced in the present context.Abstrak. Tulisan ini menawarkan sebuah pembacaan feminis pascakolonial terhadap narasi gundik seorang Lewi yang tercatat dalam Hakim-hakim 19 yang berfokus pada suara subaltern dari pemikiran Gayatri Spivak. Subaltern dalam tulisan ini diartikan sebagai orang-orang tertindas yang tidak dapat bersuara untuk merepresentasikan dirinya. Metode yang digunakan adalah kritik autobiografi. Melalui narasi autobiografi, kisah ini dituturkan kembali melalui sudut pandang sang perempuan tanpa nama sebagai subaltern dan menyingkapkan narasi penderitaannya yang tak terkatakan di dalam teks. Suara perempuan tanpa nama diklaim sebagai suara yang dibekap tetapi menolak diam dan kini menghasilkan sebuah narasi autobiografis yang menggemakan suara-suara subaltern yang disenyapkan dalam konteks masa kini.

ISLAM, ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM, AND THE BURMESE ROHINGYA CRISIS

This article discusses the world’s most oppressed people, the Muslim Rohingya of Burma (Myanmar) through the lens of “state symbologies and critical juncture”. It further argues the amalgamation of Burmese-Buddhist ethno-nationalism and anti-Muslim hate speech have become elements of Burma’s state symbology and components. Colonialism established conditions in which ethno-religious conflict could develop through policies that destroyed the civic religious pluralism characteristic of pre-colonial states. Burmese Buddhist ethno-religious nationalism is responsible for a series of communal conflicts and state repression because it did not recognize Muslims and other minorities as full and equal participants in the post-colonial national project. Therefore, the cycles of violence and the complexities of inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations indicate that Burmese political culture has become increasingly violent and genocidal.