scholarly journals Du refus de la représentation à son incarnation

Author(s):  
Clément Petitjean

L’élection de Barack Obama à la Maison-Blanche en 2008 ne marque pas uniquement l’élection du « premier président noir » : il s’agit aussi de celle du premier ancien community organizer. Jusqu’alors relativement inconnue, la catégorie « community organizer » devient indissociable d’une trajectoire politique individuelle mythifiée. La politisation de la catégorie éclaire ainsi un phénomène peu étudié : l’intégration de l’espace du community organizing aux filières de recrutement des professionnel·les de la politique étatsunien·nes à tous les échelons institutionnels. Or, ce phénomène apparaît paradoxal : non seulement l’espace du community organizing s’est construit contre le champ politique comme un « contre-pouvoir citoyen », mais les professionnel·les de la mobilisation et de la représentation populaires que sont les community organizers refusent d’assurer le travail de porte-parolat politique, pris en charge par des « leaders » profanes qu’elles et ils forment et encadrent. Pour rendre raison de ce passage du refus de la représentation à son incarnation, l’article s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée à Chicago entre 2015 et 2018.

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292098345
Author(s):  
Jae Yeon Kim

In the early twentieth century, Asian Americans and Latinos organized along national origin lines and focused on assimilation; By the 1960s and 1970s, community organizers from both groups began to form panethnic community service organizations (CSOs) that emphasized solidarity. I argue that focusing on the rise of panethnic CSOs reveals an underappreciated mechanism that has mobilized Asian Americans and Latinos—the welfare state. The War on Poverty programs incentivized non-black minority community organizers to form panethnic CSOs to gain access to state resources and serve the economically disadvantaged in their communities. Drawing on extensive archival research, I identify this mechanism and test it with my original dataset of 818 Asian American and Latino advocacy organizations and CSOs. Leveraging the Reagan budget cut, I show that dismantling the War on Poverty programs reduced the founding rate of panethnic CSOs. I further estimated that a 1 percent increase in federal funding was associated with the increase of the two panethnic CSOs during the War on Poverty. The findings demonstrate how access to state resources forces activists among non-primary beneficiary groups to build new political identities that fit the dominant image of the policy beneficiaries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah Mundell ◽  
Lisa Hardy ◽  
Roxana De Niz ◽  
Michelle Thomas

This article is a reflection on practice from anthropologists and community organizers working together to affect policy change related to health. In particular, we describe a successful organizing effort to oppose the displacement of low-income residents of a mobile home park. We argue that this victory was in part because of the approach of key members of the organizing coalition, who viewed the work of policy change as a process of leadership development and community collaboration rather than top-down advocacy. Here, we show the ways that an anthropological approach to policy change was built into the work of the coalition, intersecting with community organizing theories and methods. This has led to political change and an ongoing process of coalition-building and leadership development that has the potential to change public discussion and decision making on health-related issues for years to come.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-397
Author(s):  
Katie Day

Abstract This article serves as an introduction to faith-based community organizing and to this special issue of IJPT. First, an overview of the history of community organizing in the US includes introductions to the key figures (Saul Alinsky and Ed Chambers), organizing networks and methods currently employed. Then current challenges to community organizing are explored, such as technology, gender and race. Further, the rigid distinction between broad-based and issue organizing is challenged. Finally, the article notes that the impact of Barack Obama’s background as a community organizer on political discourse has raised the profile of this form of social mobilization, and it is reframing the questions raised for public theologians as community organizing moves into the future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Edi Sugiarto ◽  
Sari Viciawati Machdum

<p>This research about community organizing heterogeneous in a geographic region on the issue of HIV and AIDS. The study was conducted for the prevention of HIV and AIDS has been made to key populations, individual and group (at the micro level). Research with qualitative approach and descriptive methods have found that it is not easy to organize geographic community with interven-tions on the mezzo level on the issue of HIV &amp; AIDS with peculiarities in it. Community Organizer recruited not suitably qualified so the impact on their work. The role played not yet fully reflect the work processes at the level of mezzo, and practice their skills as social analysis, participation growth, regeneration, and the organization became not optimal.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-239
Author(s):  
Thomas Dorrance

Fred Ross trained a dizzying array of community organizers. His organizing strategies proved most influential in the Mexican-American community in California. Ross led voting drives in Los Angeles before travelling north to San Jose where he recruited Cesar Chavez to join the Community Service Organization (CSO) and began to instruct Chavez in techniques of community organizing. This article focuses on the development of Ross’s organizing techniques while working with dust bowl migrants in camps for migratory farmworkers funded by the Farm Security Administration. The New Deal, for Ross, provided an opportunity for community mobilization as he combined economic and cultural populism into a critique of California’s “factory farm” agricultural system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy Grimshaw ◽  
Lewis Mates ◽  
Andie Reynolds

AbstractThe UK coalition government introduced the Community Organisers Programme in 2010, providing state funding to train community organizers in England for the first time. This article presents a case study in the north of England, exploring the implementation of the programme. It illustrates the challenges and contradictions faced by trainee community organizers and suggests lessons for community practitioners and policymakers of all political complexions in the United Kingdom and other countries.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Tetloff ◽  
Matt Griffith

VOX Teen Communications, a non-profit youth development organization in Atlanta, GA, positions adolescents as leaders in their community. Empowerment theory and a participatory approach are tools often utilized to achieve youth leadership. Teens participated in a community organizing project to create a “for-teens”, “by-teens” resource guide Web site (www.teenresourceatl.org). This guide evaluates agencies, Web sites and hotlines on their “teen-friendliness” when providing services to youth in need. The empowerment-based program allowed the teens to take ownership of the project, resulting in a high level of commitment. Anticipated successes of the program include better access to help for teens in need; positioning teens as both users of the guide and leaders of the project; increased confidence and skill-level of the teen participants; and better informed service providers in the community.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 9S-18S
Author(s):  
Meredith Minkler ◽  
R. David Rebanal ◽  
Robin Pearce ◽  
Maria Acosta

Although a growing body of evidence underscores the contributions of community-based participatory research, community coalitions and other community engagement approaches to addressing health equity, one of the most potent forms of engagement—community organizing—has attracted far less attention in our field. Yet, organizing by and for communities, to build power, select issues, develop and use strategies, and take action to address the goals they collectively have set, may offer important lessons for public health professionals in these fraught times. We share, largely in their own words, the experiences and reflections of ~140 grassroots organizers across the United States who attended regional convenings of organizers in 2017, planned and run by four leading community capacity and base-building organizations, and where diverse organizers shared strategies that work, challenges faced, and the deep concerns among their already often disenfranchised communities in the contemporary sociopolitical and cultural context. After briefly reviewing some of community organizing’s core tenets and complexities, we share our qualitative research methods and key findings about the primary cross-regional concerns raised (mass incarceration, voter suppression, and immigrant rights), the themes that emerged (e.g., centering leadership by women of color and of using a health lens to frame community issues), as well as the challenges faced (e.g., the retraumatization often experienced by organizers and the difficulties in building alliances between groups “that have been taught to distrust each other”). We conclude by discussing how many of the promising practices and lessons shared by the community organizers might enhance our own field’s health equity-focused efforts, particularly if we take seriously one of their most bedrock messages: that there can be no health equity without racial equity and social justice, and that to get to health equity, we must first address equity writ large, particularly in troubling times.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Levad

Public awareness of the injustices of mass incarceration has grown significantly over the last decade. Many people have learned about mass incarceration in church contexts through book groups, study campaigns, and denominational statements. In recent years, faith-based community organizing (FBCO) networks have increasingly turned their attention to mass incarceration in light of the growing awareness of many Christian individuals, congregations, and denominations. Mass incarceration, however, presents three distinctive challenges to FBCO. First, dismantling mass incarceration requires overtly and conscientiously confronting white supremacy and advancing racial and ethnic equity; faith-based community organizers have avoided this work in the past for fear of dividing their base. Second, streams of Christian theology based in retributivism have provided justifications for increasingly punitive practices and policies, thus contributing to mass incarceration; FBCO networks must construct and uplift alternative theological streams to support alternative practices and policies. Finally, several practices and policies tied to mass incarceration deplete the political power of individuals, families, and communities most deeply impacted by it. Organizing against mass incarceration requires new strategies for building social capital and creating coalitions among groups who have been disenfranchised, marginalized, and undercounted by these practices and policies. Together, these challenges have required FBCO networks to adapt assumptions, strategies, and relationships that had previously been effective in addressing other issues, such as healthcare, employment, education, and transportation. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this paper explores the insights, struggles, and innovations of ISAIAH, a network in Minnesota, as its members work to dismantle mass incarceration and confront its unique challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-126
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Rychłowska-Niesporek

The article presents the life and ideas of Saul Alinsky, one of the most famous American local community organizers. His ideas and activities played an important role in shaping the ideas and practice of local (neighbourhood) community organizing in the United States. He is also considered one of the most important contributors to the development of the community social work.


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