FUNDAMENTALISME RADIKAL DALAM PEMIKIRAN DAN GERAKAN POLITIK KEAGAMAAN DI INDONESIA: STUDI KASUS PEMBUBARAN HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA (HTI)

<em>This article describes on radical fundamentalism group named Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Fundamentalism is a concept, an idea that lives in political thought and religious political movement which is recognized blooming out in Indonesia as a side product of reformation era in 1998. Because of its ideology was consider as an opposite to Indonesian ideology and law, HTI then disbandment by Indonesian government. This article is a library research that uses a descriptive qualitative method. There are three Research results i.e., firstly, radical fundamentalism is a thought and a religious-political movement of a group that strictly carries out religious teachings. And these concepts exist in all religions. Secondly, although activities and political movements of HTI were stopped by government, its concept and movement are still running by many other religious group. And thirdly, the thought and political movement of HTI and other religious fundamentalist groups needs to be criticized to add insight into ideology.</em><br /><br /><strong>Key words:</strong> Radical Fundamentalism, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, Religious Thought and Political Movement.<br /><br />

Eurasian integration and the internal socio-political conflict potential of the Central Asian region

The article examines the internal security challenges in the Central Asian region (CAR), the causes of conflicts within the countries of the region. The article describes the general and special features of the socio-political situation in the CAR countries. This study was conducted within the framework of the theory of conflict. The paper uses the author's typology of costs and risks on the path of interstate integration: growth risks (economic, social, security) and immanent risks, as well as characteristics of the nature of regional conflicts. The author analyzes Russia's interests in the CAR, the conflict potential of the region, and the prospects for the development of Eurasian integration in the region. The main conflict-causing internal political factors are: poverty of the population, the growth of social differentiation, high unemployment, an overabundance of the able-bodied population, socio-economic instability; the archaization of public life; interethnic contradictions; the presence of a religious fundamentalist and extremist underground, waiting for the moment to seize power; the spread of drug addiction and the activities of organized criminal communities engaged in transit drug trafficking; the threat of political destabilization of the region both in the process of transferring power to a new generation of leaders and the change of leadership elites. Eurasian integration can strengthen the Russian vector in the policies of the countries involved in Eurasian integration, but it will not eliminate the influence of other vectors, it will only balance them. Participation in the Eurasian integration can help the CAR countries strengthen their independence and sovereignty. Since foreign "multi-vector" policy, often understood as a distance from Russia, leads to an increase in dependence on other centers of power, which ultimately contradicts the national interests of the CAR nations themselves.

Editorial

The theme of this special issue of Feminist Dissent focuses on the ways in which religious fundamentalist movements have become hegemonic in many secular states around the world. This purported paradox of fundamentalist politics gaining power in secular states is all the more challenging to analyse in the context of both the consolidation and re-articulation of neoliberalism as an ideology and framework for organising economy and society in the era of late capitalism and its successive crises. Specifically, we are interested in exploring the ways in which these transformations within state, society and the economy have affected women’s positions and gender relations. The illustrative case studies we examine in this issue are India, Israel and Turkey.

Bringing Social Movements into the Inclusion-Moderation Thesis

Many scholars argue that democracy tames religious fundamentalism. This inclusion-moderation theory holds that when radical religious movements are incorporated in the democratic system, they have incentives to adhere to institutional frameworks to influence politics and access power. But despite these claims, we have witnessed a growing influence of religious fundamentalism in Asian democratic politics, with immoderation becoming prominent. Why have religious fundamentalist movements become influential in various democracies in Asia? How have they shaped policies? Using a most-different-systems approach, I investigate religious fundamentalism in two dissimilar democracies: Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia and Christian fundamentalism in South Korea. In both cases, I argue that religious fundamentalist movements facilitate immoderate politics through strong mobilization capacity, agenda-setting power, and framing. The study contributes to the inclusion-moderation literature through its discussion of religious fundamentalism and its cross-religious comparison.

Catchalls and Conundrums: Theorizing “Sexual Minority” in Social, Cultural, and Political Contexts

The term “sexual minority” functions in social, cultural, and political contexts as a catchall for minority sexuality categories. Yet, apart from serving as an umbrella term, its uses are contradictory. On the one hand, the term emphasizes “sexuality,” which serves the purposes of religious fundamentalist and political groups that demonize minority sexualities to the exclusion of identity, background or family status. On the other hand, the term can be useful for readers and researchers in sexuality studies to become more globally aware of, and to reconceptualize, sexuality outside of tightly contained LGBT boxes. Such a contradiction has implications for education practice and policy. We suggest, for instance, using the term cautiously when describing same-sex sexualities because, as an umbrella term, it can homogenize people who represent a highly diverse spectrum of racialized categories, class backgrounds, genders, sexualities, and other social markers of difference. As a pedagogical heuristic device, the term is useful in delineating the differences between queer and sexual minority pedagogies when deciding upon the approach that will best draw an audience into the discussion. Our overall goal through this critical exploration is to support new understandings and insights of sexual diversity in ways that effectively challenge heterosexism and homophobia.

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY ON THE DYNAMICS OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN PAKISTAN

Although domestic terrorism has long been a global threat, many countries have only just started developing systemic policies to tackle the root causes of religious extremism. Studying front-line countries like Pakistan is critical to understanding how to tackle the challenge effectively. Despite Pakistan's war with anti-government rebels like Pakistani Taliban, Pakistan has struggling for more than decade to resolve theoretical aspects of those problems. Since the key majority of nefarious activities in Pakistan are carried out by entities that promote religion and justify Islam. It is vital that extremist drivers should be eliminated from Pakistan and other countries. We understand theological element. Ethnic minorities have targeted and harassed often by the religious fundamentalist groups for years. Unless the state avoids this trend, state will soon base itself on the prevailing narrative of extremism; it will only provide Sunni living space while restricting the limits of religious beliefs of minorities and living as free citizens. Most sensitive issue of Pakistan national security is extremism.

Hezbollah, Neoliberalism and Political Economy

Hezbollah, like other Islamic fundamentalist movements in the region, professes an “Islamic way of life” as an objective to achieve and implement in society, but its actual practices can best be understood as harmonious with—and reflective of—the nature of the capitalist environment in which it operates, despite discourses appealing to the popular classes of society. Religious fundamentalist movements should indeed not been considered as fossilized elements from the past. While they may employ symbols and narratives from earlier periods, fundamentalisms are alive, dynamic, and representative of major contemporary trends. Their emergence must thus be fully situated in the political, economic, and social context of the contemporary period. In this perspective, the article analyzes the political economy of Hezbollah and its support for neoliberal policies.

Religion: A Source of Fundamentalism or A Safeguard Against It?

This article contributes to critical reflection on the political study approach towards the relations between religion and fundamentalism. In the context of post-secularism, in which the cognitive and moral role of religion for politics is quite widely recognised, the aim is to discuss three hypotheses. The first one argues that, contrary to what the majority of the subject’s literature maintains, fundamentalism is not only a strictly religious phenomenon, but a specific attitude, able to evolve equally well on both religious and secular foundations. The second one implies that secularisation encourages, at least to an equal degree, both profane and religious fundamentalist tendencies. The third thesis asserts that religion, in its nature, constitutes a potential safeguard against fundamentalism. In the course of analysis, the pertinence of the above hypotheses are generally demonstrated. However, it is also indicated that the third point constitutes a mid-range theorem, accurately describing the contemporary specificity of Christianity, and especially Catholicism.