Introduction: The Heuristic Value of Social Representations Theory

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Understanding Common Sense Themes of Intellectual and Creative Work: the Social Representation of Intellectual Property

<p>This thesis examines the construction of Intellectual Property discourses using the social Psychological theoretical framework of Social Representations theory (Moscovici, 1984), and explores the various themes which emerge around the treatment of knowledge, ideas and creative work from both historical and contemporary perspectives. The first two chapters introduce Social Representations theory and the methodology of Thematic Analysis. Study one presents a historical account and literature review on the general themes of knowledge, intellectual and creative endeavours, and how various cultures and social powers have approached these concepts throughout history. It includes an overview of current technological and social changes around the same themes, the challenges these changes may have on existing social representations, and the groups that have vested interests in particular representations. The idea that existing dominant representations cannot adequately incorporate new representations arising from users and adopters utilising the new medium of the 'network' as a social-cultural tool is also introduced. Study two examines similar topics through analysis of public submissions to the New Zealand Patent act review. In this study, individual submissions are analysed in detail using a thematic analysis-like process, incorporating this into a Social representations framework designed to extend and test the representations observed in study one. Evidence of a dominant industrial representation involving market economic treatment of knowledge centred on a physical resource conceptual anchor was observed. Conflicting social representations held by other groups included representations of a collectivist common good centred on innovation and rights themes. Evidence that significant re-representation of the property conception away from a physical good anchor by various groups was found. Social, cultural, and economic consequences of these competing representations effect on societies are considered.</p>

Understanding Common Sense Themes of Intellectual and Creative Work: the Social Representation of Intellectual Property

<p>This thesis examines the construction of Intellectual Property discourses using the social Psychological theoretical framework of Social Representations theory (Moscovici, 1984), and explores the various themes which emerge around the treatment of knowledge, ideas and creative work from both historical and contemporary perspectives. The first two chapters introduce Social Representations theory and the methodology of Thematic Analysis. Study one presents a historical account and literature review on the general themes of knowledge, intellectual and creative endeavours, and how various cultures and social powers have approached these concepts throughout history. It includes an overview of current technological and social changes around the same themes, the challenges these changes may have on existing social representations, and the groups that have vested interests in particular representations. The idea that existing dominant representations cannot adequately incorporate new representations arising from users and adopters utilising the new medium of the 'network' as a social-cultural tool is also introduced. Study two examines similar topics through analysis of public submissions to the New Zealand Patent act review. In this study, individual submissions are analysed in detail using a thematic analysis-like process, incorporating this into a Social representations framework designed to extend and test the representations observed in study one. Evidence of a dominant industrial representation involving market economic treatment of knowledge centred on a physical resource conceptual anchor was observed. Conflicting social representations held by other groups included representations of a collectivist common good centred on innovation and rights themes. Evidence that significant re-representation of the property conception away from a physical good anchor by various groups was found. Social, cultural, and economic consequences of these competing representations effect on societies are considered.</p>

The Social Representational Theory of Symbolic Politics

<p>While there have been repeated exhortations that the study of political behaviour be accorded greater status in social psychological research, such calls have gone relatively unheeded. This thesis is intended to address to some small extent this problem. Specifically, an argument is presented to address the flaws of a little-heralded theory of political behaviour, symbolic politics theory (Sears, 1993), by re-articulating that theory within a broader theory of social behaviour, social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973; 1988). At its heart symbolic politics contends that political behaviour is based on the evocation of 'symbolic predispositions' in response to symbolic content of political objects. Following Verkuyten (1985) political symbols and symbolic predispositions are re-interpreted from the perspective of social representations theory. The result is a shift in emphasis onto the role of values, discourse, and social interaction in political preference and opinion. These concepts are investigated using data derived from a four-phase panel survey of the Wellington, New Zealand, electorates, as well as transcripts of parliamentary debates, and a laboratory experiment to provide support for the re-articulation of symbolic politics within this framework. The first two studies present qualitative and quantitative analyses of open-ended questions designed to probe the subjective meanings of ideological labels, and the concepts, ideas, and values associated with the major political parties of the time. The results indicate that the boundaries of group membership are defined by differences in representational content between groups, as well as within-group consensus. The second set of studies investigate the role of social values in political perception and preference. Firstly, political parties were differentiated by the frequency of rhetorical use by their members of the two values of freedom and equality, consistent with the predictions of Rokeach (1973). Secondly, survey respondents used a value-attribution instrument to indicate the values which they perceived parties to oppose or endorse. Again, the values associated with these parties were shown to be predictive of preference. Thirdly, respondents completed the Schwartz (1992) values inventory, which was used to produce a value profile of supporters of different parties' supporters. Weak support was found for Rokeach's (1973) two-value model of politics, with the parties differentiable on two discriminant functions defined by self-reliance values and equality values. The final study in this section presents the results of a laboratory manipulation in which groups of participants viewed different party political advertisements before rating the major parties for favourability and value attributions. This study indicates that exposure to political media may influence the values parties are seen to represent, and that this may impact positively or negatively on perceptions of the favourability of those parties. The final empirical chapter utilises a social network measure to investigate the role, if any, that one's interpersonal environment may play in political preference and representations. A clear relationship was found between the political composition of the environment and primary respondent preference and ideological self-identification. These findings are interpreted as supporting the social representational theory of symbolic politics. Qualifications and limitations of a representational theory of symbolic politics are discussed, as are the implications for such a conceptualisation of political and social behaviour.</p>

The Social Representational Theory of Symbolic Politics

<p>While there have been repeated exhortations that the study of political behaviour be accorded greater status in social psychological research, such calls have gone relatively unheeded. This thesis is intended to address to some small extent this problem. Specifically, an argument is presented to address the flaws of a little-heralded theory of political behaviour, symbolic politics theory (Sears, 1993), by re-articulating that theory within a broader theory of social behaviour, social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973; 1988). At its heart symbolic politics contends that political behaviour is based on the evocation of 'symbolic predispositions' in response to symbolic content of political objects. Following Verkuyten (1985) political symbols and symbolic predispositions are re-interpreted from the perspective of social representations theory. The result is a shift in emphasis onto the role of values, discourse, and social interaction in political preference and opinion. These concepts are investigated using data derived from a four-phase panel survey of the Wellington, New Zealand, electorates, as well as transcripts of parliamentary debates, and a laboratory experiment to provide support for the re-articulation of symbolic politics within this framework. The first two studies present qualitative and quantitative analyses of open-ended questions designed to probe the subjective meanings of ideological labels, and the concepts, ideas, and values associated with the major political parties of the time. The results indicate that the boundaries of group membership are defined by differences in representational content between groups, as well as within-group consensus. The second set of studies investigate the role of social values in political perception and preference. Firstly, political parties were differentiated by the frequency of rhetorical use by their members of the two values of freedom and equality, consistent with the predictions of Rokeach (1973). Secondly, survey respondents used a value-attribution instrument to indicate the values which they perceived parties to oppose or endorse. Again, the values associated with these parties were shown to be predictive of preference. Thirdly, respondents completed the Schwartz (1992) values inventory, which was used to produce a value profile of supporters of different parties' supporters. Weak support was found for Rokeach's (1973) two-value model of politics, with the parties differentiable on two discriminant functions defined by self-reliance values and equality values. The final study in this section presents the results of a laboratory manipulation in which groups of participants viewed different party political advertisements before rating the major parties for favourability and value attributions. This study indicates that exposure to political media may influence the values parties are seen to represent, and that this may impact positively or negatively on perceptions of the favourability of those parties. The final empirical chapter utilises a social network measure to investigate the role, if any, that one's interpersonal environment may play in political preference and representations. A clear relationship was found between the political composition of the environment and primary respondent preference and ideological self-identification. These findings are interpreted as supporting the social representational theory of symbolic politics. Qualifications and limitations of a representational theory of symbolic politics are discussed, as are the implications for such a conceptualisation of political and social behaviour.</p>

The ‘weak pupil’ as a social representation: (re)production in dialogue between compulsory school teachers in Sweden

Attributing negative categories such as ‘weak’ to pupils is a common practice in Sweden and a known phenomenon worldwide. While there has been a substantial amount of research on different expressions of ‘deviance’ in the educational arena, the research on how teachers communicate about pupils as ‘weak’ is scarce. In this study, teachers’ communication about pupils as ‘weak’ is examined in dialogues produced in focus group discussions by 29 teachers in six different Swedish compulsory schools. Through the lens of social representations theory and a dialogical perspective, this study suggests that ‘weak pupil’ as a social representation can be characterized by a range of different and sometimes contradicting themes and mainly two themata: normal/deviant and nature/nurture. The results show that ‘weak pupil’ is used as a multifaceted communicative resource to describe pupils who do not perform according to schools’ expectations. In contrast to several previous studies, the use of ‘weak pupil’ is partially challenged by participants who, to some extent, place perceived problems within the educational institution instead of the individual pupil. The study has implications for the understanding of how perceptions of normality might be perceived and collectively (re)produced in communication about pupils as well as for future research using social representations theory within the educational field.

Tracing Genealogies of Mixedness: Social Representations and Definitions of “Eurasian” in Singapore

Social representations theory provides a key lens through which to approach mixed racial and ethnic identities. The concept and contextual histories of “mixedness” highlight how meanings are ascribed and constructed, and social representations of mixed identities shape and are shaped by what it means to be mixed. This paper explores mixedness in Singapore from a social representations perspective, drawing out and comparing the state representations of the Eurasian community, and social experiences of mixedness. Utilizing data from 30 interviews with participants who self-describe as Eurasian, the paper explores the interactions between historical and contemporary state representations of mixedness and popular representations of Eurasians as a mixed racial/ethnic group in the diverse and racialized context of Singapore. By tracing the genealogy of Eurasian identity (and mixedness) in this context, it contributes to the theoretical development around social representations of mixedness, and how the constructed realities of singular and/or mixed identities interact and develop.

Social representations theory: An approach to studying translators’ socio-cognitive processes

Social Representations Theory provides a comprehensive theoretical model for researching translators’ socio-cognitive processes. Developed in social psychology in the 1960s, the theory offers an integrative view of both individual and social processes in the construction and re-construction of knowledge. It draws attention to embodied meaning-making and the effect of material surroundings in perpetuating and disseminating social representations. Importantly, Social Representations Theory does not see representations as individual, solely conscious, or static mental constructions but as dynamic social–psychological phenomena that are enacted in discourse and social interaction. This article discusses Social Representations Theory as an approach to the empirical study of translators’ cognitive processes. Introducing the main concepts of the theory and using translators’ conceptualizations of source-text authors and target-text readers as an example, the article suggests avenues for using the theory in Cognitive Translation Studies.