Why Should The Role Of The Peace Implementation Council And OHR Continue In Bosnia And Herzegovina?

After the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) gained its independence with a referendum held in 1992. Bosniacs, Bosnian Croats, and Bosnian Serbs were the main sides of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The war caused more than 100,000 deaths and hundreds of thousands of injuries, War ended with the agreement reached and initialed on 21 November 1995... The General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina created a delicate balance between constituent peoples. Due to a unique state system involving complex procedures, it was envisaged to appoint a High Representative with the authority to resolve the civil matters of GFAP.. A Peace Implementation Council (PIC) and its Steering Board were also constituted., Turkey is a member in the PIC Steering Board.. PIC in its meting held in Bonn in 1997 welcomed the High Representative’s intention to use their final authority regarding interpretation of the Agreement on the Civilian Implementation of the GFAP to facilitate the resolution of difficulties by making binding decisions, as they judge necessary. These powers were called as "Bonn Powers".. The analysis defends the view that to preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the BiH the PIC and the High Representative Office should continue with the Bonn Powers.. It suggests that Turkey, as a member of the PIC Steering Board, has the ability as well as the responsibility as a Balkan state with exceptional ties with BIH, to influence the shaping of the decisions to be taken regarding the continuation of OHR.. The analysis also proposes that Turkey, as it did in the past, should staunchly defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of BiH and must strongly oppose the approaches that aim to dismember BiH.

Serbia on its way to EU membership – the remaining challenges and obstacles

Fifteen years after the European Union (EU) promised all the Western Balkan states an EU future by adopting the Thessaloniki agenda in 2003,1 Croatia is the only Western Balkan state to have succeeded in joining. Although Croatia’s journey to EU accession was not quick and smooth (especially when compared with that of its ex- communist counterparts from East Central Europe and the Baltics who joined in 2004 and 2007), Serbia and other Western Balkan neighbours of Croatia have had an even harder and (much) bumpier road to the EU. Western Balkan accession had been effectively stalled for several years due to the emergence of enlargement fatigue in the mid-2000s. It was briefly re-activated with Croatia’s accession and the launch of the so-called Berlin Process in 2014 (Juncos and Whitman, 2015; Petrovic and Wilson 2018; and Mtchedlishvili, 2018 in this Special Issue). However, the accession process stalled again in 2016 and early 2017 with the shock of Brexit and the migration crisis. As of 2018, Western Balkan accession has returned to a prominent place on the EU enlargement agenda.

Hitler's New Disorder

The history of the Second World War in Yugoslavia was for a long time the preserve of the Communist regime led by Marshal Tito. It was written by those who had battled hard to come out on top of the many-sided war fought across the territory of that Balkan state after the Axis Powers had destroyed it in 1941, just before Hitler's invasion of the USSR. It was an ideological and ethnic war under occupation by rival enemy powers and armies, between many insurgents, armed bands and militias, for the survival of one group, for the elimination of another, for belief in this or that ideology, for a return to an imagined past within the Nazi New Order, or for the reconstruction of a new Yugoslavia on the side of the Allies. In fact, many wars were fought alongside, and under cover of, the Great War waged by the Allies against Hitler's New Order which, in Yugoslavia at least, turned out to be a “new disorder.” Most surviving participants have since told their stories; most archival sources are now available. This book uses them, as well as the works of historians in several languages, to understand what actually happened on the ground. The book poses more questions than it provides answers, as the author attempts a synoptic and chronological analysis of the confused yet interrelated struggles fought in 1941-5, during the short but tragic period of Hitler's failed “New Order,” over the territory that was no longer the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and not yet the Federal Peoples' Republic of Yugoslavia, but that is now definitely “former Yugoslavia.”

Russian-Greek Political and Ecclesiastical Relations in 20-30s of the 19th Century

The article is devoted to the Russian-Greek ecclesiastical and political relations before and during the Eastern Crisis of the 1820s. After the start of the Greek uprising in 1821, Russia took an ambivalent position: as a patron of all orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire, it sought to support the Greeks, but Russia also had to recognize the Greek revolution as an illegitimate rebellion. As a member of the Holy Alliance of European Powers Russia had no other choice but to adhere to the principles of legitimism. Russia had both political and economic interests in the region. After the Greek uprising, main powers in the Western Europe had no doubt that Russia would support the rebels. Nevertheless, Russia regarded the Greek rebellion as another European revolution. After a successful war of independence, Russia established its diplomatic mission in the Greek capital. The first ambassador was P.I. Rickman, who arrived with aim to provide political relations with this new Balkan state. If political support of the rebellion could find no understanding in the conservative European circles, the aid of the Orthodox Balkan Church was implied by the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca 1774. Special attention in this support, provided by the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church to the Greek monasteries, was paid to the Athos monasteries. This support was designed by a special document. It was adopted in 1735 under the Empress Anna Ivanovna and was subject to execution in subsequent years. The Archive of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has kept lists of all Orthodox monasteries on the territory of the Ottoman Empire that enjoyed material support from the Russian church; a significant part of this list are the Orthodox churches of Greece.

On the elusive origin of the wild goat Capra aegagrus Erxleben, 1777, on the island of Montecristo (Italy)

Several authors stated that a “goats from the - not better identified - kingdom of Montenegro” were imported by king Vittorio Emanuele III on the small Tyrrhenian island of Montecristo at the end of the 19th century, with the aim of restocking the local big game. The Italian king had very close relations with this Balkan state and, in 1896, Montecristo became the honeymoon destination of him (at that time crown prince) and Elena, the daughter of the ruler of Montenegro. After 1899, the island became a royal hunting ground for Vittorio Emanueles exclusive use. It cannot be excluded that a legend of the importation of Montenegrin goats onto the small Tyrrhenian island was probably born at that time. The question arises as to what species this caprine from Montenegro might have been. In fact, no evidence seems to be available on the historic natural dispersion of C. aegagrus in the Balkan peninsula.

Framing Vaccination in Post-Socialist Serbia: An Anthropological Perspective

In recent years, Southeastern European region (the Balkans) has seen a rise in vaccine skepticism due to increasing conflicts between the pro- and anti-vaccination stances, primarily with respect to childhood vaccines. Although vaccination controversies are generally perceived as a global trend, their framings are predominantly grounded in particular social, cultural, political and economic contexts. This paper will focus on the immunization issues raised in the post-socialist context of one particular Balkan state – Serbia. By juxtaposing the medical profession’s framing of vaccine skepticism with the lay framings of vaccines and immunization, I will examine their contrasting perspectives and point to the sources of their misunderstanding. These opposing views will also be contextualized against their respective political, economic, socio-cultural and historical backgrounds. The paper will hence suggest the possible determinants of vaccine skepticism in the context of post-socialist Serbia.

The problem of border demarcation between Montenegro and Turkey after the Congress of Berlin of 1878(covered by ‘Niva' magazine at the beginning of the 1880s)

The article is devoted to a diffi cult period in the history of Montenegro after the Congress of Berlin of 1878, when the young Balkan state was offi cially recognised an independent from the Ottoman Empire. Montenegro sought, fi rst of all with the help of its faithful patron Russia, the implementation of the peace treaty articles concerning border demarcation between the Principality and Turkey. Due to the Turkish unwillingness to transfer the territories established by the agreement to Montenegro, this process turned out to be rather complicated, and eventually it дштпукув on for several years and was accompanied by recurrent military clashes. All these plots were described in detail in «Niva», an illustrated magazine published in Saint Petersburg, very popular in Russia at the time.

RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914

The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.

RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914

The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.