From Civil War to Civil Peace: Multi-Track Solutions to Armed Conflict

1999 ◽  
pp. 15-42
Author(s):  
Kumar Rupesinghe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict

Part I: Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tilman Rodenhäuser
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Basic Principle ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Laws Of War ◽  
Connected Group ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Contemporary Practice

Analysing the development of the concept of non-state parties to an armed conflict from the writings of philosophers in the eighteenth century through international humanitarian law (IHL) treaty law to contemporary practice, three threads can be identified. First, as pointed out by Rousseau almost two and a half centuries ago, one basic principle underlying the laws of war is that war is not a relation between men but between entities. Accordingly, the lawful objective of parties cannot be to harm opponents as individuals but only to overcome the entity for which the individual fights. This necessitates that any party to an armed conflict is a collective, organized entity and not a loosely connected group of individuals. Second, de Vattel already stressed that civil war is fought between two parties who ‘acknowledge no common judge’ and have no ‘common superior’ on earth....

INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS IN CAMBODIA AND AFGHANISTAN

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Subira Onwudiwe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
Foreign Intervention

A civil war marked by the intervention of foreign military troops is known as an internationalized non-international armed conflict.' This type of armed conflict happens often and presents a number of issues of concern to international lawyers. The scope of this article is confined to the application of international humanitarian law in such circumstances, and it does not address the validity of foreign involvement in a civil war. In civil conflicts involving foreign intervention, the sides seldom agree on the facts or their interpretation. As a result, this article is dependent on certain factual assumptions, assumptions for which evidence cannot always be provided.

scholarly journals The Long-Term Consequences of Civil War for Migration: The Case of Tajikistan

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle O'Brien
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
District Level ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Logistic Regression Models ◽  
Individual Household ◽  
Level I ◽  
And Migration

Armed conflict is socially transformative. Although migration research has established the proximate relationship between armed conflict and increases in migration, much less attention has been paid to the long-term, or distal relationship. This research leverages the case of the 1992-1997 Tajikistani Civil War to examine the distal relationship between armed conflict and migration decisions nearly a decade after the war had ended. Using a series of logistic regression models and a selection-based endogeneity correction, I estimate the likelihood of migrating in 2006, given the intensity of conflict experience at the district level. I find that, controlling for individual, household, and district-level indicators, the legacy of conflict continues to influence migration – for men and for ‘stayers’ – nearly a decade after the peace accord was signed. Some evidence suggests that certain kinds of development projects can moderate this relationship. In conflict-affected countries, incorporating the legacy of conflict into empirical research can help scholars and policy-makers better understand migration in the aftermath of war.

scholarly journals Terror i represje sowieckie wobec zachodnich Ukraińców w latach 1943–1945 z jugosłowiańskimi kontekstami w tle

2016 ◽  
pp. 109-160
Author(s):  
Mariusz Zajączkowski
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Eastern Front ◽  
Western Ukraine ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
The Relationship

The aim of this article is to show the relationship between Soviet partisans and the Ukrainian population in the western regions of Ukraine. It also aims to demonstrate how the attitude toward the armed troops of the Ukrainian national and nationalist underground, which operated in the area between 1942 and 1944, changed under the influence of the war on the Eastern Front and internal factors. All this led to the outbreak of an open armed conflict and terror of the red partisans against the Ukrainian peasants, most of whom supported national and nationalist partisans. These events are presented against the background of political, social and military conditions for the operation and development of the Soviet partisan movement in the area of Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. This article also describes how the Soviet security police and army fought the OUN-B and UPA in this area and repressed members of the anti-communist underground and its civilian supporters during the re-establishment of the communist authorities after 1944. It also attempts to show the similarities and differences between the events in Western Ukraine (1943–1945) and the Civil War in Yugoslavia (1941–1945), including the local communists’ fight for power in the country.

1. The origins of the Civil War

2020 ◽  
pp. 5-29
Author(s):  
Louis P. Masur
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
The South ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
Slave Rebellion ◽  
Delicate Balance ◽  
Abolitionist Movement ◽  
Government Authority

“The origins of the civil war” summarizes the years leading up to the war, which were characterized by increasing conflict over slavery and government authority. Starting with the close of the revolutionary era, attempts to compromise on slavery in the territories and maintain a delicate balance of free and slave states became increasingly challenging. In 1831, Nat Turner’s violent slave rebellion struck fear into the South, as did an emerging abolitionist movement. In the 1850s, a series of spiralling events led to protests and armed conflict. Once Abraham Lincoln won the Electoral College without carrying a single slave state, many Southerners saw secession as a necessity.

The Colombian Private Sector in Colombia’s Transition to Peace

2019 ◽  
pp. 255-278
Author(s):  
Angelika Rettberg
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
Business Strategies ◽  
Profit Motive ◽  
Civil Action ◽  
The Many ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Armed Actors

During the Colombian civil war, businesses undertook both civil and uncivil actions, but the civil action of a “pro-peace coalition” was among the many factors moving the conflict toward its (uneasy) settlement in 2016. This chapter documents the civil action efforts of a pro-peace coalition, explores how support for these efforts changed over time—particularly in the last two attempts to negotiate peace, in Caguán (1998–2002) and in Havana, Cuba (2012–2016), and focuses on the motivations behind them. Contrary to simplistic analyses, it demonstrates that the profit motive alone cannot explain business strategies in contexts of conflict and peacebuilding. Contextual factors, the type of organization, and access to politics are important in understanding how business factions respond to armed conflict, including those participating in civil action within the “pro-peace coalition” and those aligning themselves with armed actors. The explanation of Colombian business strategies to address armed conflict holds lessons for understanding business-led civil action in other countries.

scholarly journals The Prevalence of Power-Sharing: Exploring the Patterns of Post-Election Peace

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna K. Jarstad
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Good News ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Negative Effect

Why are some elections followed by armed conflict, while others are not? This article begins to explore this question by mapping the prevalence of power-sharing agreements and patterns of post-election peace in states shattered by civil war. While democracy builds on the notion of free political competition and uncertain electoral outcomes, power-sharing reduces the uncertainty by ensuring political power for certain groups. Nevertheless, new data presented in this article – the Post-Accord Elections (PAE) data collection – shows that the issues of peace, power-sharing and democracy have become intertwined as the vast majority of contemporary peace agreements provide for both power-sharing and elections. First, in contrast to previous research which has suggested that power-sharing is a tool for ending violence, this study shows that conflict often continues after an agreement has been signed, even if it includes provisions for power-sharing. Second, this investigation shows no evidence of power-sharing facilitating the holding of elections. On the contrary, it is more common that elections are held following a peace process without power-sharing. Third, a period of power-sharing ahead of the elections does not seem to provide for postelection peace. Rather, such elections are similarly dangerous as post-accord elections held without a period of power-sharing. The good news is that power-sharing does not seem to have a negative effect on post-election peace.

Civilian Victimization and Ethnic Civil War

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1199-1225
Author(s):  
Lars-Erik Cederman ◽  
Simon Hug ◽  
Livia I. Schubiger ◽  
Francisco Villamil
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
Targeted Violence ◽  
Structural Variables ◽  
Global Coverage

While many studies provide insights into the causes of wartime civilian victimization, we know little about how the targeting of particular segments of the civilian population affects the onset and escalation of armed conflict. Previous research on conflict onset has been largely limited to structural variables, both theoretically and empirically. Moving beyond these static approaches, this article assesses how the state-led targeting of specific ethnic groups affects the likelihood of ethnic conflict onset and the evolution of conflicts once they break out. Relying on a new data set with global coverage that captures the ethnic identity of civilian victims of targeted violence, we find evidence that the state-led civilian victimization of particular ethnic groups increases the likelihood that the latter become involved in ethnic civil war. We also find tentative, yet more nuanced, evidence that ethnic targeting by state forces affects the escalation of ongoing conflicts.

CIVIL WAR IN SYRIA AND GEOPOLITICAL INTERESTS OF RUSSIA IN THE MIDDLE EAST REGION

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 103-106
Author(s):  
Лобанов ◽  
Konstantin Lobanov ◽  
Моисеев ◽  
Vladimir Moiseev
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
East Region ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The World ◽  
Middle East Region

Armed conflict in Syria has not only aggravated regional contradictions in the Middle East region, but also activated geopolitical interests of the world powers in this part of the planet. The collision of multidirectional interests gives tragic sounding to numerous internal and external political forces to civil war in Syria, prolongs this conflict in time and expands it spatially. This article is devoted to the detection of geopolitical interests of Russia in the Middle East region on the example of participation of our country in the Syrian opposition.

After Gaddafi

2019 ◽  
pp. 665-681
Author(s):  
Frederic Wehrey
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Irregular Migration ◽  
International Intervention ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Oil Wealth

The course of the 2011 Libyan revolution, international intervention, and the regime’s application of armed force created new forms of sub-state affiliation and mobilization. International and regional intervention has exacerbated Libya’s chaos and deepened its fault lines. The civil war in 2014 was the culmination of these fissures and international pressures but conflicts since then by the myriad armed groups have become increasingly predatory—a scramble for the country’s oil wealth and the capture of state institutions. Libya’s conflicts are directly tied to the pathologies of the rentier oil state under Gaddafi and the failure of post-2011 distributive policies, along with endemic corruption and cronyism. Meanwhile, Western engagement is focused on parochial aims such as counterterrorism and stemming irregular migration. For the foreseeable future, Libya is likely to suffer from truncated sovereignty, a fractured national identity, regional meddling, simmering armed conflict, and hyper-localized politics.

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