From Cold War to International Terrorism

Author(s):  
Natividad Carpintero Santamaria
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. HUGHES

John Canaday,The Nuclear Muse: Literature, Physics, and the First Atomic Bombs. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000. Pp. xviii+310. ISBN 0-299-16854-9. £19.50.Septimus H. Paul,Nuclear Rivals: Anglo-American Atomic Relations 1941–1952. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000. Pp. ix+266. ISBN 0-8142-0852-5. £31.95.Peter Bacon Hales,Atomic Spaces: Living on the Manhattan Project. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997. Pp. 448. ISBN 0-252-02296-3. £22.00.A decade after the end of the Cold War, the culture and technology of nuclear weapons had lost much of the overt sense of dread they once inspired. The decline in international tension following the end of the communist regimes of the Soviet bloc produced a massive shift in the ideology of the nuclear in the 1990s. The de-targeting and dismantling of large numbers of nuclear weapons and the demise of the threat of nuclear annihilation created new conditions both for international security and for the writing of nuclear history. With the declassification and release of large quantities of official documentation from the former adversaries, as well as the fiftieth anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1995, a burst of histories of various aspects of the nuclear age have appeared over the last ten years, exploring not just the technopolitics, strategy and operational logistics of the Cold War and the arms race, but the cultural history of the nuclear age, its imagery, its architecture, its oppositional politics and its effects on the landscape, national and regional economies and cultures and indeed everyday life. At a time of global economic and political uncertainty and the emergent threat of capricious international terrorism and new nuclear proliferation, the apparent certainties of the Cold War now even evoke a certain nostalgia, and its artefacts and structures are being recast as ‘heritage’.


2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sir David Pepper

GCHQ is the UK’s Signals Intelligence agency. The end of the Cold War, the growth of international terrorism and the arrival and subsequent explosive growth of the Internet radically changed the environment in which it had to operate. Recognition of these pressures led GCHQ to begin a wide-ranging change programme in the late 1990s. It included not only technology but also deep change in business processes, leadership and culture. A critically important feature of these changes has been the adoption, and when necessary adaptation, of a wide range of management techniques taken from the private sector. The article examines the range of techniques in question, looking at the extent to which each had to be adapted. It concludes by considering the issues that arise in the general adoption of such techniques in the public sector, concluding that that are no insurmountable obstacles.


2020 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
S. M. Ivanov

The article examines such an important aspect of Russian foreign policy as peacekeeping. Russia has been participating in many activities to maintain and strengthen peace in the post-Soviet space and in other regions of our planet. This activity is successfully carried out in the formats of the UN, CIS, CSTO, OSCE, other international organizations and on a bilateral basis. The author notes that the role of peacekeeping is growing immeasurably in the context of attempts to revive the atmosphere of the Cold War, the ongoing arms race in the world, the build-up of nuclear missile potentials of a number of countries, and the intensifi cation of the forces of international terrorism represented by radical Islamist groups.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 910-914
Author(s):  
Raluca Iulia Iulian

After the end of the Cold War, the new European and global security environment has undergone profound changes. In the new security environment, international terrorism represents one of the main threats at a global level, the others being the proliferation of chemical, atomic, and bacteriological weapons of destruction and organized crime. Terrorism is difficult to define. Although it is an important issue today, there is no unanimously accepted scientific definition. There have been numerous attempts to define terrorism that complement each other. The paper focuses on Islamic terrorism which has undergone a certain evolution over time and has proliferated in recent years. Nowadays, it has some particularities which will be presented in the paper; they reflect the specificity of this phenomenon with a view to understanding its origin, the purposes, and its consequences. Samuel P. Huntington’s theory of the Clash of Civilization and Eric Neumayer and Thomas Plümper’s theory of the Strategic Logic of International Terrorism provide useful explanations. The aim of the paper is to examine the evolution of this phenomenon after 9/11 2001, which represents a turning point in the evolution of international terrorism.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 711-734 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Neumayer ◽  
Thomas Plümper

Huntington referred to a ‘clash of civilizations’ revealing itself in international terrorism, particularly in the clash between the Islamic civilization and the West. The authors confront his hypotheses with ones derived from the strategic logic of international terrorism. They predict more terrorism against nationals from countries whose governments support the government of the terrorists’ home country. Like Huntington, they also predict excessive terrorism on Western targets, not because of inter-civilizational conflict per se, but because of the strategic value of Western targets. Contra Huntington, their theory does not suggest that Islamic civilization groups commit more terrorist acts against nationals from other civilizations in general, nor a general increase in inter-civilizational terrorism after the Cold War. The empirical analysis – based on estimations in a directed dyadic country sample, 1969–2005 – broadly supports their theory. In particular, there is not significantly more terrorism from the Islamic against other civilizations in general, nor a structural break in the pattern of international terrorism after the Cold War.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Opeoluwa Adisa Oluyemi ◽  

The debate on changes and continuity in the field of security studies before and aftermath of the Cold War expounds certain security issues that have been reformed or changed and those that continue to be essential security concerns after the Cold War. The pervasiveness of military security might have been reconstructed at the aftermath of the Cold War but has remained ubiquitous despite scholarly argumentative prepositions debating its declination. This article uses secondary sources of data analysis by obtaining necessary information from textbooks, libraries, academic journals, online data and articles to examine the nexus between religion and violence leading to the renaissance of international terrorism after the attack of 9/11 that had propelled the involvement of military armed forces in domestic security of democratic governments constituting a debatable encumbrance to the principles of objective civilian control of the military entrenched in the liberal democracy and a justifiable argument for the potency of military security in the present liberal democratic states. It theoretically instantiates the emerging domestic role of the military armed forces signalizing the subjective control of civil-military relations in incongruousness to the objective control as expounded under military professionalism of Samuel Huntington.


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