scholarly journals Why Are Poor Children Always with Us? Theory, Ideology and Policy for Understanding Child Poverty

Author(s):  
Michael Wearing ◽  
Elizabeth Fernandez
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
pp. 211-234
Author(s):  
Andrew Altman

This chapter examines and proposes alternative measures aimed at making schooling more efficient and improving schooling for less advantaged and lower achieving students. Out of school measures would include: reducing child poverty, improving child healthcare provision, and improving pre- and postnatal nursing and medical care access for poor children. School-based measures would include improving early childhood education provision, offering better preparation for teachers and principals and reducing the barriers for teachers becoming principals, establishing an infrastructure that supports continuous improvement in teaching and learning, rewarding and supporting good teaching, and changing funding arrangements so that more resources are targeted to lower-income students.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mai Heide Ottosen ◽  
Peter Rohde Skov

Med udgangspunkt i forskning om child well-being undersøger artiklen, hvilke implikationer det har for fænomenet børnefattigdom, når man anvender forskellige målingsinstrumenter til at afgrænse den del af børnepopulationen, som har en opvækst med utilstrækkelige materielle ressourcer. Analysen fokuserer på tre dimensioner: 1) Andelen af fattige (større) børn, 2) betydninger ved at være et fattigt barn og 3) årsager til, at børn lever i fattigdom. Med register- og survey-data fra Forløbsundersøgelsen af børn født i 1995, der var 15 år i 2011, viser analysen, at andelen af fattige børn er 3-7 pct., og at andelen af fattige børn er øget gennem denne kohortes opvækst. Om sammenhænge mellem fattigdom og centrale områder af hverdagslivet indikerer analysen, at fattige 15-årige hyppigere er udsatte og ledes ud på et spor, der kan føre til marginalisering ikke kun aktuelt, men også på lang sigt. Artiklen peger på, at de anvendte instrumenter til at måle fattigdom gør en forskel, idet en survey-baseret metode, der direkte spørger til familiernes økonomiske råderum, forekommer at være mest sensitiv i forhold til at indfange forskelle i børns levevilkår i hverdagen. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Mai Heide Ottosen and Peter Rohde Skov: Poverty among Children Born in 1995 This article examines the implications of different measures of poverty for defining and understanding child poverty. It is based on recent research on child wellbeing. The analysis focuses on three dimensions of child poverty: the proportion of poor children, implications of being a poor child, and the explanations why children are living in poverty. Using register and survey data from the Danish Longitudinal study of the 1995-cohort (aged 15 in 2011) the analysis estimates the proportion of poor children to be 3-7 per cent; however the proportion of poor children has increased during the childhood of this cohort. With regard to the links between poverty and key areas of everyday life, the analysis suggests that poor children tend to be more socially vulnerable than their non-poor peers. Some of them may be at risk of social marginalization not only at present, but also in the future. The article suggests that different measures of poverty may lead to different insights. Thus, survey-based methods that directly ask families about their financial scope and deprivation appear to be the most sensitive to capture differences in children’s everyday lives. Key words: Child poverty, Danish Longitudinal Study, everyday life.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (6) ◽  
pp. A46-A46
Author(s):  
Edgar K. Marcuse

The industrial countries in the world have a higher standard of living than at any time in history, but within the wealthy countries, there are still a number of children who live in poverty. The United States, which is the wealthiest country of six studied (Australia, Canada, Sweden, United States, United Kingdom, West Germany), had the highest poverty rate among children and the second highest poverty rate among families with children. From 1970 to 1987, the poverty rate for children in the United States increased from 15 to 20%. . . Child poverty rates vary enormously by the structure of the child's family. In every country [of the six studied], child poverty rates are at least twice as high, and usually much higher, in single-parent families than in two-parent families. . . . Perhaps the most striking figures are those that show the percentage of all children and of all poor children who are living in families with incomes below the 75% of the US poverty line. Here we find that US poor children are the worst off of children in any country [of the six studied] including Australia, with almost 10% existing at an income level at least 25% below the official US poverty standard. . . .In the United States, black families with children are particularly economically disadvantaged relative to white (non-black and non-Hispanic) families. The poverty rates among black children are three times as high as the rates of white children. Poverty rates of Hispanic children in the United States are double those of white children as well, But the poverty rate of US white children is still 11.4%. . .higher than the poverty rate of all children in [the] other [five] countries except Australia. . . Heterogeneity does matter; poverty rates are different for different populations and US poverty rates are high, due in part to its social and ethnic diversity. But this diversity does not matter enough to explain fully the high poverty of US children in general or even white children in particular. . . . One of the reasons why many children in the United States are poor is that 27% of all poor families with children and 23% of single-parent families receive no public income support. . . . In every other country, at least 99% of both types of families that were defined as poor by the Us poverty line definition receive some type of income support. . . . All the countries, except the United States, have child allowances that reach at least 80% of poor children. . . . Another reason why the United States does less well . . . is because the poverty gap is larger in the United States. . . . The larger the poverty gap, the more income is needed to remove a family from poverty. And the United States, which has the biggest gap for these families, provides the least income support per family. . . . Every country's welfare and other tax transfer programs reflect their own cultural and social philosophies. . . . Any change in the tax and transfer policies must be done within the national context of the country's social philosophy. But international comparisons of the poverty of today's children raise long-term questions. To the extent that poverty of children is related to poverty as adults, the quality of our future work force may be affected by the present poverty of our children. And the poverty of our children today may affect our long-term competitiveness with other wealthy countries who tolerate much less child poverty than does the United States.


Author(s):  
Joshua T. McCabe

Chapter 6 looks at how the National Commission on Children brought attention to the problem of child poverty in the US, leading to the expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit in 1993 and the introduction of the nonrefundable Child Tax Credit in 1997. In contrast to the cases of Canada and the UK, the growth of these tax credits, tracing their legacy to the dependent exemption in the tax system, was premised on the logic of tax relief rather than the logic of income supplementation. Originally, the National Commission on Children released recommendations for a fully refundable Child Tax Credit as the best way to tackle child poverty. This served as a successful springboard in Canada and the UK. This was not the case in the US, where the logic of tax relief remained dominant. Initial attempts to introduce a fully refundable Child Tax Credit quickly failed. Policymakers and the public deemed poor children undeserving of tax credits because their parents were not technically taxpayers.


Child Poverty ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Morag C. Treanor

Chapter three takes a critically informed look at the role of families, and children’s position within families, in understanding child poverty and disadvantage. It looks at the role of social support and gendered relationships and examines how families are not value-free environments. Family life under conditions of disadvantage tends to be pathologised and denigrated: parents who are ‘poor’ are frequently situated as ‘poor parents’. Low income families are particularly vulnerable to categorisation as ‘troubled families’ or troublesome families (Ribbens McCarthy et al 2013). This chapter looks at the myths and realities of family life at the bottom of the income structure, how children understand, negotiate and mediate poverty in family life and their experiences and agency within the family. It also considers how wealthier families, who are held up as the benchmark of the ideal family, reinforce and perpetuate the disadvantage of poor children and families by employing their superior resources to confer (further) advantage onto their own children.


Author(s):  
Özlem Durgun

Poverty is one of the biggest problems in developing countries. Poverty is general scarcity or the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Poverty issue is examined on a sector and national levels. Addition it is examined in households and gender level in many countries. When these studies are examined, the most affected segments of poverty are women and children. In our study: The relationship between the woman poverty rates and female labour force participation rates were examined in Turkey. Poor children do not only occur in developing countries. In developed countries and in countries with high income levels, poor children are likely to occur. Adults’ poverty is possible to solve in time with employment, aids and donations. However, child poverty continues in the future. Unfortunately, aid to households are not enough. So the problem must be clearly demonstrated and implemented specific policies for children. Child is the social structure of the subject. Damage to children will be create a domino effect in the future. Consequently, it should be recognized and taken measures taken in advance.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
BETSY BATES
Keyword(s):  

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