Policy and Diplomacy in the Production of Second Generation Ethanol in Brazil: International Relations with the EU, the USA and Africa

Author(s):  
Nicola Favretto ◽  
Lindsay C. Stringer ◽  
Marcos S. Buckeridge ◽  
Stavros Afionis
Author(s):  
Michael Smith ◽  
Rebecca Steffenson

This chapter examines the evolution of the European Union's relations with the United States. More specifically, it looks at the ways in which EU–US relations enter into the international relations of the EU as well as the implications for key areas of the EU's growing international activity. The chapter begins with an overview of the changing shape and focus of the EU–US relationship as it enters into economic, political, and security questions. It then considers the impact of EU–US relations on the EU's system of international relations, on the EU's role in the processes of international relations, and on the EU's position as a ‘power’ in international relations. It shows that the EU–US relationship has played a key (and contradictory) role in development of the EU's foreign policy mechanisms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eberhard Weber

Between 1987 and 2006 Fiji experienced four coups in which Governments were overthrown by their military forces or parts of it. After the fourth coup in December 2006 old metropolitan friends such as Australia, New Zealand, the USA and the EU responded with travel sanctions, cancellation of military cooperation and frozen development assistance. When Fiji was politically isolated it fostered secondary political friendships of olden days and established new ones. The paper searches for evidence of Fiji’s agency to change the structure of its International Relations (IR) after the coup of 2000. Such relations were first shaped in Prime Minister Qarase’s ‘Look North’ policy, but following the coup of December 2006 Fiji’s IR took a new quality once political isolation was overcome and internal power stabilized. The paper concentrates on Indo- Fijian relations, which, however, are embedded in Fiji’s general effort to achieve greater independence from old friends by forcing new international relationships. Of particular interest in this context is, if Fiji’s political orientation after 2006 has just been a temporary necessity born out of political isolation or if Fiji’s policy of fostering South–South relations will remain a decisive element of the country’s foreign policy in the long term. To understand IR in the context of Fiji and India it is essential to look at both countries, their interests and agency. Looking at Fiji alone would leave the question unanswered, why Indian Governments had an interest to cooperate with the country in the Pacific Islands despite hard-core nationalist anti-Indian sentiments and politics pursued in Fiji after the coup of 2000. It also won’t be conclusive why India should be interested at all to foster high profile relations with a tiny country like Fiji in a situation when Indian governments were aiming at much higher goals.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 702-714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily A. Heaton ◽  
Lisa A. Schulte ◽  
Marisol Berti ◽  
Hans Langeveld ◽  
Walter Zegada-Lizarazu ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
O.G. Nekrylova ◽  

Russian cooperation with the EU countries is currently an important factor in preserving peace on the European continent and affects the entire system of international relations. The need to study the historical experience of European integration is confirmed by the fact that in the conditions of the modern world, European states inevitably become active participants in the integration processes, both global and regional. The article is devoted to the analysis of various foreign policy concepts on European integration in the period 1949–1958. The positions of European leaders, as well as the complex and controversial process of rapprochement between Germany and France in the post-war period, has become a kind of historical prologue that helps today to form a more complete picture of the initial stage of the creation of the EU. The rejection of bloc thinking by «federalists» who tried to overcome the already accomplished division of Europe and supporters of this section by contrasting the West and the East, including the USA, defined strategic concepts in understanding of the integration process by many politicians of that time, including the leaders of Germany and France. The contradictions between them never disappeared completely, but manifested themselves in one form or another at the turning points of European integration.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 647-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Janssen ◽  
Anthony F Turhollow ◽  
Dominik Rutz ◽  
Rita Mergner

2012 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-325
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

The paper seeks to explain the basic characteristics, tendencies and perspectives of relations in the USA-EU-Russia triangle and their significance and impact in the wider international context. The author explains the circumstances and the problems the USA, EU and Russia face in their mutual cooperation, as well as the impact of this strategically important cooperation on the overall international relations. She points to the fact that in addition to the many common interests, there are significant differences and contradictions in both international positions, as well as in the immediate and long term goals of the USA, EU and Russia. It is emphasized that an effective fight with a series of new threats and challenges in the world, will ultimately require the restructuring of relations between the EU and NATO, as well as the development of specific strategies for cooperation between USA, EU and Russia. At the same time, as was stated, the EU should play a greater role than before. It is concluded that in this respect there are many unused opportunities for cooperation between Russia, EU and USA, and that the impact of the EU in the world depends upon EU?s willingness and ability to contribute to resolving international security problems.


2014 ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Glazyev

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 195-210
Author(s):  
Stefan Krajewski

The rapid weakening of economic activity, covering most states in the world, gives rise to a lively discussion on the choice of methods to tackle the crisis, the legitimacy and effectiveness of various economic policies, the role of the state and the scope of its intervention in the economy. The paper evaluates the Polish economic policy in recent years. This refers to the situation prevailing in the EU and the USA. I conclude that the Polish economy during the crisis remained relatively stable, without having to provide the emergency aid from the outside. The development of such a situation has been affected by different reasons, including: - The benefits of the so-called "backwardness rent", which resulted, among others, in the inflow of EU funds (Poland was in 2007-2013 and in will be in 2014-2020 the biggest beneficiary of the EU budget); - The effects of decisions on changes in the tax and social security, taken for political reasons (before the crisis); - The controversial withdrawal from the funded pension system, reducing the budget deficit and public debt; - The prudent monetary policy and anti-inflation policy pursued over many years. Actions taken in Poland are primarily focused on reducing costs, which differs quite significantly from the economic policy dominant in the U.S. and the "old" EU countries which generally pursue expansionary fiscal policy and a policy of cheap money. Polish solution facilitates the achievement of short-term fiscal sustainability, but does not create favorable conditions for the development in the long-term (insufficient investment, petrification of economic structure, lack of innovation). 


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (31) ◽  
pp. 2830-2842
Author(s):  
Masanao Inagaki ◽  
Toshiyuki Kanemasa ◽  
Takaaki Yokota

Opioids are widely used for pain management in moderate-to-severe pain. However, opioids are associated with adverse events, such as constipation and emesis/vomiting. To reduce these undesired effects, a structure–activity relationship study of morphinan derivatives was conducted, and a promising lead compound with inhibitory effects on opioid receptors was obtained. Further improvement in the potency and pharmacokinetic profiles of the lead compound led to the discovery of naldemedine, which showed anti-constipation and anti-emetic effects against these adverse events that were induced by morphine without influencing morphine’s analgesic effect. Naldemedine was launched in Japan and the USA in 2017 and in the EU in 2019, for treating opioid-induced constipation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-57
Author(s):  
FRANCO BRUNI ◽  

The article is devoted to problems in relations between the EU and Russia. Multiple methods are considered that are aimed at solving the problem of multilateralism in current conditions. The author selected and studied specific documents on essential aspects that are devoted to this topic. Studying the arising problems requires careful consideration since, in the modern world, cooperation between global actors such as the EU and Russia cannot be ignored. Despite all the challenges faced by the parties in their fields, all difficulties are conquerable, and the article provides specific methods for its solving. The article discusses some aspects and problems that require particular attention from specialists in this field. The author concludes that strong US–EU coalition could seem more coherent with history and with the traditional East–West divide. However, the recent evolution of the US attitude towards international relations weakens the probability of such coalition and its perceived payoffs. A more or less defensive Russia–China coalition has been tried with limited results; moreover, if it were possible and probable, the two western players would change their strategy to prevent it or to contain its depth. In fact, we live in a world where many talks of a serious possibility of G2 governance, a peculiar type of coalition where the US and China keep hostile and nationalistic attitudes but join forces to set the global stage in their favor, pursuing a qualitatively limited but quantitatively rich payoff. In such world, as a counterpart of this payoff, both the divided Europe and the economically much smaller Russia would lose power and suffer several kinds of economic disadvantages. Therefore, Greater Europe would be good for Russia and for the EU as well.


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