External Actors and VNSAs: An Analysis of the United States, Russia, ISIS, and PYD/YPG

Author(s):  
Doruk Ergun
2021 ◽  
pp. 458-474
Author(s):  
Roland Marchal

This chapter examines the impact of external actors in the Sahel, with a focus on the regional crisis since 2012 and the subsequent French and US interventionism. At first glance, France and the United States have been the key strategic actors in the crisis. These two countries have reshaped political and military dynamics, and convinced other states and international agencies to play a role in the crisis. Yet the stakes are very different for each, and certainly more strategic for the French given their military role via Operation Serval and Operation Barkhane. The chapter also discusses other countries that have regularly acted as gatekeepers for international policies in the Sahel and their regional rivalries. Algeria and Morocco have long rivaled each other for influence, and their competition is a determining element in shaping the international interventions and what are optimistically described as the “solutions” for the regional crisis. At the heart of the region itself, Burkina Faso has also played an important intermediary role at various stages.


2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-158
Author(s):  
Charles L. Davis ◽  
Horace A. Bartilow

Using survey data collected in 1995, this article examines how Mexicans assess responsibility for the 1995 Peso Devaluation Crisis. Mexicans primarily blame former president, Carlos Salinas, but a significant number also blame external actors and institutions for the crisis. The tendency to blame recent presidents is related to assessments of economic conditions and to partisanship; by contrast, the tendency to blame external actors and institutions is related to traditional Mexican nationalism with its defensive posture toward the United States. This posture is found primarily among the economically maginalized and the politically alienated. Nationalism remains an important force in citizen politics in Mexico, but its meaning is still contested. A travéés de una encuesta de 1995, este articulo examina la manera en que los mexicanos deslindan la responsabilidad de la crisis de la devaluacióón del peso en 1995. Por lo general, los mexicanos culpan al presidente Carlos Salinas, aunque un buen numero atribuye la crisis a factores e instituciones externas. La tendencia a culpar a los presidentes recientes se relaciona con la evaluacióón de las condiciones econóómicas y las lealtades de partido; por contraste, la tendencia a culpar a factores e instituciones externas se relaciona con el nacionalismo tradicional y con su actitud defensiva hacia los Estados Unidos. Dicha actitud se percibe principalmente entre los marginados econóómicamente y los alienados polííticamente. De tal modo que el nacionalismo aúún permanece como una fuerza importante en la políítica del ciudadano en Mééxico aunque su significacióón todavíía se disputa.


Significance The United States and Iran are both fighting against ISG in Iraq, but their rivalry elsewhere, such as taking opposite sides in Syria and Yemen, and historic enmity has prevented explicit cooperation. They are likely to be the two most significant external actors in helping Baghdad reclaim Iraqi territory from ISG. Impacts The symbolic impact of capturing Tikrit would be significant, but its actual impact on the wider military campaign will be limited. It would provide Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi time to prepare Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) to a greater level of readiness. However, rapid success of militia forces could lead to even more difficult political choices.


Subject The Trump administration's policy on the Libya conflict. Significance In recent weeks, the United States has pursued a more active foreign policy towards Libya. This is a departure from its position of the past eight years of ‘leading from the back’ on Libya and comes as US President Donald Trump faces an impeachment investigation and elections in November 2020. With the vote approaching, Trump's opponents have increasingly criticised his position on Moscow, drawing attention to the presence of Russian mercenaries in Libya. Impacts Ties with Egypt, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and the relative influence Russia has with them, will weigh on the administration’s thinking. The State Department may push more actively for a ceasefire when a conference of external actors in Libya takes place in Berlin. A ceasefire could fragment the forces fighting Haftar without robust external guarantees that his forces would not violate it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-278
Author(s):  
Nalin Kumar Mohapatra

The ‘sustainable peace’ is eluding Afghanistan over centuries. This can largely be attributed to both external geopolitical factors as well as the internal domestic realignments. Often these two factors operate in isolation and at times collude with each other, thus accentuating both domestic and regional instability. The fallout of protracted conflict in Afghanistan in the last few decades has resulted in the emergence of weak governance structure along with the proliferation of radicalism and the flow of narcotics to the neighbouring regions. Eurasia is one such region which has largely been affected by the developments in Afghanistan. The Eurasian states’ engagement with Afghanistan can be looked both through the prism of geopolitical developments that took place in the region following the collapse of the Soviet Union and post-9/11 developments which resulted in the intervention of external actors. The present geopolitical imbroglio is largely emanating from the decision of the United States to leave Afghanistan and the Russian’s desire to fill the vacuum. Iran and China are also engaged in shaping the geopolitical dynamics of this trouble-torn state. India, on the other hand, perceives security and stability of Afghanistan are important for greater regional economic cooperation which will facilitate its effective engagement in Eurasia.


Author(s):  
Alexander Frolov

Libya is the country affected most by the Arab Spring and actually disintegrated into separate enclaves, which was largely facilitated by the actions of external actors, primarily the United States and France. External forces continue to influence the situation in Libya in their own interests, largely consisting in access to the natural resources of this country and ensuring political influence through the support of forces loyal to them. In addition to the abovementioned countries, Italy, Germany, Russia, China, Turkey, Egypt and, to a certain extent, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are also involved in the Libyan events. The article examines in a historical context their views on the problem, the interests of external actors and the military-political and economic tools used to ensure them. The pandemic somewhat constrained their actions, but in the current situation Turkey was the most active, intervening in the course of the Libyan conflict, showing a high degree of interest in access to Libyan oil and gas, and strengthening its own, including geopolitical, positions. The United States is trying to act through UN institutions, while Russia is trying to find compromises between the two main forces of the Libyan conflict. At this stage, the positions of external players are so contradictory that achieving peace and stability looks difficult, and attempts to coordinate their actions within the framework of the Berlin Forum have not been crowned with success. For now, the efforts of the United States look preferable in terms of influencing the overall situation, although Germany retains the best chances to mediate. The article also examines the possible consequences of the unsettled situation in Libya and the impact of the Libyan events on the outside world.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Schmidt

This chapter examines the impact of the Cold War on Africa. It explains that while Africa is the least-known Cold War battleground, the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba became embroiled in the internal affairs of countless African countries. The chapter analyzes the ideologies, practices, and interests of these main external actors and describes the four major arenas of conflict that are representative of broad trends in Cold War intervention in Africa. It also discusses how the Cold War altered the dynamics of local struggles, created unprecedented levels of destruction and widespread instability, and contributed to many of the problems that plague Africa today.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 116-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agha Bayramov

The Four-Day War of 2016 once again exposed the danger that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict poses in the Caucasus. However, despite its military scale and human losses, Russia has raised only general statements from other co-chairs of the osce (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) Minsk Group, from the United States and France, and from other international actors such as the United Nations Security Council. In an attempt to stimulate debate about this lack of engagement, this paper claims that the external actors involved aim to cast silence over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict beyond the region. While this approach may serve to remove the political impact of the conflict from the international arena, it unwittingly also enhances the aggressiveness of both Armenia and Azerbaijan in the regional arena. The main aim of this paper is, then, to explain why the conflict is being silenced, how this is made possible and what the regional effects of this approach are. By drawing on the Four-Day War of 2016, the paper intends to show how the recent violence has challenged the silencing of external actors.


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