Attribution of Blame in the Global Economy: The Case of the Mexican Public and the Peso Devaluation Crisis

2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-158
Author(s):  
Charles L. Davis ◽  
Horace A. Bartilow

Using survey data collected in 1995, this article examines how Mexicans assess responsibility for the 1995 Peso Devaluation Crisis. Mexicans primarily blame former president, Carlos Salinas, but a significant number also blame external actors and institutions for the crisis. The tendency to blame recent presidents is related to assessments of economic conditions and to partisanship; by contrast, the tendency to blame external actors and institutions is related to traditional Mexican nationalism with its defensive posture toward the United States. This posture is found primarily among the economically maginalized and the politically alienated. Nationalism remains an important force in citizen politics in Mexico, but its meaning is still contested. A travéés de una encuesta de 1995, este articulo examina la manera en que los mexicanos deslindan la responsabilidad de la crisis de la devaluacióón del peso en 1995. Por lo general, los mexicanos culpan al presidente Carlos Salinas, aunque un buen numero atribuye la crisis a factores e instituciones externas. La tendencia a culpar a los presidentes recientes se relaciona con la evaluacióón de las condiciones econóómicas y las lealtades de partido; por contraste, la tendencia a culpar a factores e instituciones externas se relaciona con el nacionalismo tradicional y con su actitud defensiva hacia los Estados Unidos. Dicha actitud se percibe principalmente entre los marginados econóómicamente y los alienados polííticamente. De tal modo que el nacionalismo aúún permanece como una fuerza importante en la políítica del ciudadano en Mééxico aunque su significacióón todavíía se disputa.

2016 ◽  
pp. 26-46
Author(s):  
Marcin Jan Flotyński

The global financial crisis in 2007–2009 began a period of high volatility on the financial markets. Specifically, it caused an increased amplitude of fluctuations of the level of gross domestic products, the level of investment and consumption and exchange rates in particular countries. To address the adverse market circumstances, governments and central banks took actions in order to bolster the weakening global economy. The aim of this article is to present the anti-crisis actions in the United States and selected member states of the European Union, including Poland, and an assessment of their efficiency. The analysis conducted indicates that generally the actions taken in the United States in response to the crisis were faster and more adequate to the existing circumstances than in the European Union.


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.


ILR Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 610-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas C. Buchmueller ◽  
John Dinardo ◽  
Robert G. Valletta

During the past two decades, union density has declined in the United States and employer provision of health benefits has changed substantially in extent and form. Using individual survey data spanning the years 1983–97 combined with employer survey data for 1993, the authors update and extend previous analyses of private-sector union effects on employer-provided health benefits. They find that the union effect on health insurance coverage rates has fallen somewhat but remains large, due to an increase over time in the union effect on employee “take-up” of offered insurance, and that declining unionization explains 20–35% of the decline in employee health coverage. The increasing union take-up effect is linked to union effects on employees' direct costs for health insurance and the availability of retiree coverage.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 536-546
Author(s):  
Marina S. Reshetnikova

The rapid acceleration of scientific and technological progress, which started at the beginning of the 21st century, has become a decisive factor in influencing the global economy. Who will lead the global innovation race? This problem is especially relevant in the field of artificial intelligence (AI). At the moment, the United States and China are the main participants in the battle for dominance in this area. The author assesses Chinas innovative potential in the field of AI and identifies its achievements in this area. Based on the statistics provided, Chinas AI leadership has reached a critical point. China is confidently leading the new fundamental research of artificial intelligence, forming its theoretical base and applied research and development, which will contribute to the creation of new high-tech innovative products and services. However, in terms of the number and quality of AI specialists (AI Talents) and the number of companies engaged in AI, China is still lagging behind its main rival, namely the United States. The author proved that, despite the obvious successes of China, the United States still has an equal lead in the global innovation race.


Commonwealth ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua J. Weikert

The 2018 elections saw a record number of women running for elected office in the United States and in Pennsylvania, but whether this represents a temporary wave or a lasting trend is not clear. Using a combination of survey data; interviews of new candidates, elected officeholders, and party officials; and election data, this study examines the gender equality gains of 2018 in Pennsylvania’s legislature in historical and political context. The data provide evidence that formal recruitment of female candidates was common (but not universal), that the number of women running for and winning office increased by historic (and not just significant) levels, and that a persistent and consistent motivation was discernible in large portions of the candidate body. Survey measures of female candidate persistence—whether they plan to run again or recruit new candidates—also indicate that women intend to remain similarly active after the 2018 election cycle has come and gone.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 8831-8838
Author(s):  
Bin Wang ◽  
Qingyuan Zhou

The global economy appears the trend of anti-globalization under the influence of COVID-19. Based on the input-output table of lead database from 2006 to 2020, this paper divides the factors that affect the development of financial industry in China, the United States and Russia into six aspects: price, intermediate input, household consumption, government consumption, export and import. ADGA-BP neural network model is proposed in this paper, which is based on six aspects of price, intermediate input, consumer, government consumption, export and import. The intermediate input is decomposed from the perspective of industrial structure to study the interrelationship between financial industry and other industries in the three countries. The results show that the intermediate input is the main factor in the development of financial industry in the three countries, but the source industries of the intermediate input are not the same; the two factors of household consumption and price are closely related to the development of financial industry in the three countries, and they all play a role in promoting China, while the relationship between household consumption and the United States and between price and Russia is reverse; Government consumption only has a significant impact on Russia; from the perspective of mutual influence, the mutual investment between the financial industry of China and the United States is relatively large, while the relationship between the Russian financial industry and the two countries is relatively weak. It shows that under the background of covid-19, the development of financial industry is affected.


Author(s):  
I. Danilin

The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.


2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula D. McClain ◽  
Monique L. Lyle ◽  
Niambi M. Carter ◽  
Victoria M. DeFrancesco Soto ◽  
Gerald F. Lackey ◽  
...  

AbstractDramatic demographic changes are occurring in the United States, and some of the most dramatic changes are occurring in the South from Latino immigration. Latinos, by and large, are an entirely new population in the region. How are Black southerners reacting to this new population? Using survey data gathered from a southern location, this article explores several questions related to whether Blacks see these new residents as friendly neighbors or economic competitors. Results suggest that Blacks and non-Blacks perceive a potential economic threat from continued Latino immigration, but Blacks are more concerned about the effects of Latino immigration than are Whites.


2021 ◽  
pp. 458-474
Author(s):  
Roland Marchal

This chapter examines the impact of external actors in the Sahel, with a focus on the regional crisis since 2012 and the subsequent French and US interventionism. At first glance, France and the United States have been the key strategic actors in the crisis. These two countries have reshaped political and military dynamics, and convinced other states and international agencies to play a role in the crisis. Yet the stakes are very different for each, and certainly more strategic for the French given their military role via Operation Serval and Operation Barkhane. The chapter also discusses other countries that have regularly acted as gatekeepers for international policies in the Sahel and their regional rivalries. Algeria and Morocco have long rivaled each other for influence, and their competition is a determining element in shaping the international interventions and what are optimistically described as the “solutions” for the regional crisis. At the heart of the region itself, Burkina Faso has also played an important intermediary role at various stages.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document