scholarly journals Deterrence, Resilience, and the Shooting Down of Flight MH17

Author(s):  
Cees van Doorn ◽  
Theo Brinkel

AbstractRussian disinformation has thus far proven to be unconvincing for most Dutch target audiences. This is the conclusion of the present chapter. Information and disinformation have become effective weapons in international politics. This is part of a development where the weapons and concepts used in deterrence strategies have moved away from the military domain toward the political, economic, humanitarian, and communicative ones. In western literature, this is called hybrid warfare. In recent literature on hybrid warfare, resilience is often considered a key theme which may boost deterrence against hybrid activities and/or lower their impact. Most research on resilience and security is focused on infrastructure and resource planning. In this chapter, however, we attempt to ascertain how the existence of resilience in society can be observed. By looking at the case of the Dutch reaction to the shooting down of flight MH17, we hope to illustrate how resilience works in deterrence to hybrid warfare. We try to establish how subversive Russian activities were taking place and what measures were taken by the Netherlands government in order to counteract them. We monitored societal resilience by looking for the presence of trust, social capital, and credible narratives in reaction to disinformation activities after a disruptive event. All these elements appeared to be present in the MH17 case. Overall, we conclude, the handling of the MH17 case has reinforced deterrence.

1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Wolfers

Pressures to extend the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into fields other than the military, or actually to shift the emphasis to political, economic, and cultural objectives, have been so strong in recent years that one wonders whether there has not been a growing tendency, particularly in Europe, to lose sight of the purpose for which NATO was established and which makes it vital to the United States. Essentially, NATO is a multilateral military alliance for the protection of western and southern Europe against Soviet conquest, a means of denying these areas and their resources to the Soviets. If the members of the alliance, on one side or the other of the Atlantic, were ever to reach the conclusion that the threat of military attack from the east had vanished or that it could not be countered effectively by common military effort, NATO would have lost its original raison d'être, though it might be continued for the sake of what today are secondary non-military functions, such as political conciliation and economic collaboration. It should be added that the primacy of the military purpose of NATO, as it exists today, does not preclude the desirability or even the necessity of extending its scope beyond purely military matters. As Ruth C. Lawson has pointed out, there is little hope for reliable military collaboration among countries ohat do not succeed in attaining a reasonable degree of harmony between their political aims and policies. Cyprus, Suez, and Algeria are symptomatic of the problems NATO faces in the political field.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Navid Khan ◽  
Riaz Ahmad ◽  
Ke Xing

A lot of people believe “China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)” to be a doorway to regional prosperity and regional cohesion. It carries an abundant perspective in relation to regional connectivity, regional development, and employment creation. Although a topic of increasing interest, CPEC has been relatively under-researched and under-conceptualized to date. In this article, we attempt to inspect CPEC in relation to its prospects for infrastructure development, regional development, and employment creation through a methodical databank check and cross-reference snowballing. Significantly contributing: (1) reviewing of recent literature focusing on the concepts of economic corridors in different regions and (2) underlying challenges addressing the political, economic and geographical differences among different groups based on their perspectives. The paper concludes with possible managerial suggestions for the challenges faced by stakeholders participating in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
Ye. V. Karmannyi ◽  
M. V. Lys

The state of the military sector is one of the most important indicators of the state’s development, it also determines the level of influence of the country on the economic and political situation that is taking place on the international scene. Ensuring the proper state of Ukraine’s national security is accompanied not only by the mentioned factors, but also by the fact that our state is in a military conflict with the Russian Federation. The article is focused on studying the issues related to the nature of the modern hybrid warfare in Ukraine, an act of sabotage was considered as one of the ways of such a war, it analyzed the acts of sabotage, the object of which is ammunition depots placed on the territory of Ukraine. The suggestions for improving and refining the system of counteraction to acts of sabotage are provided. The topic of the study is relevant, therefore, it requires detailed consideration and study of the hybrid warfare’s nature, which combines not only conventional combat operations, but also political, economic, information, cybernetic means of combating the enemy. In the context of the military conflict, where Ukraine is located, the issue of counteracting and combating actions of sabotage, which is understood as an act aimed at weakening the state of explosions, arson, or other actions aimed at mass destruction of people, causing bodily harm or other harm to their health, destruction or damage of objects that have an important national or defense significance, etc. In our study, particular attention is paid to such objects as stockpiles of ammunition, where weapons, missiles, ammunition, explosives, firearms, special means are stored. The authors of the article offer the main ways of improving and reforming the security system of these objects. The highlighted problems and suggested ways for their solution can become the fundamental basis for the development of a new security strategy.


Ratio Juris ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
José Fernando Valencia Grajales ◽  
Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano ◽  
Juan Carlos Beltrán López

Since the time of independence, the military has permeated politics by controlling the most important positions of the respective Latin American governments, these influences have caused a series of direct influences on the political, economic, cultural and social conception of the states. Directing the mythical-political referents accepted or formal, with a tendency to the right or conservatism-religious to the detriment of others, generating socio-political reactions against from a reactionary or raised in arms. But these responses from the left have provoked dictatorial political or military responses. The methodology used for the present analysis is based on critical historical construction, critical discourse analysis and normative and political hermeneutics, which will allow us to show the influence of the military within countries, as well as policy interference Exterior.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (2) ◽  
pp. 521-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Mintz ◽  
Michael D. Ward

Prior scholarly analysis of Israeli military spending has focused on national security questions. We present a mathematical model incorporating security threats as well as electoral cycles and corporate profits. The parameters are estimated empirically. The results support the idea that in Israel the military budget at the margins is also employed as a political-economic instrument to help manage the economy and to provide a favorable election climate for incumbents. It is suggested that the politicaleconomic dynamic widely attributed to Western industrialized societies may be of increasing importance in other societies throughout the world.


2021 ◽  
pp. 267-278
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance to the slogan anorthosis (revival), my modernizing the political system, improving labor law, health provisions, bringing Greece's political economic and social systems close to western Europe through legislation, in which the Ministers of Justice and of Home Affairs played a big part. Following an acute assessment of Venizelos by Metaxas the chapter examines the threat to stability posed by the Cretan deputies' attempts in 1911-12 to enter the Greek parliament following the Greek general election of March 1912, which gave the Venizelists 150 out of 182 seats. Venizelos gave orders to keep the Cretans out, arguing that their action was provocative towards Turkey. Following a confrontation between the Cretan deputies and the military outside parliament, Venizelos found a temporary solution by suspending parliament until October. He reshaped his government with changes in some key ministries.


Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil

This chapter analyzes the media's role in the containment of Kurdish ethnic nationalism and political Islam as undertaken by the military-led state in the 1990s. In this transformational decade, the emergence of new actors—such as commercial media, civil society organizations, Islamist networks, and Kurdish activists—created serious concerns for the Kemalist elite and the political economic order they had established decades ago. From the military-bureaucratic circles to the pro-state big capital owners, these power holders hoped to preserve their clout and sustain the central power of the state at a time when the country was encountering global, neoliberal currents. The chapter first discusses the reproduction of nationalist ethos in mainstream media and the state suppression of Kurdish media, both domestically and transnationally. It then investigates the state's attempts to rein in political Islam and the role mainstream media assumed in this process. Emphasis is placed on the political economic pacts between military-bureaucratic elite and media proprietors.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Panu Poutvaara ◽  
Andreas Wagener

Since Adam Smith, most economists have held that a professional army is superior to a conscript army, thanks to benefitting from comparative advantage and specialization. We summarize recent literature on the benefits and costs of the military draft, with special emphasis on its dynamic effects on human capital formation. Empirical evidence refutes the claim that the economic costs of the draft would be balanced by increased democratic control or reduced likelihood of war. Rather, the political allure of conscription seems to arise from the possibility to concentrate the tax burden on a minority of voters in a way that is generally held to be unacceptable with normal taxation.


Author(s):  
Sergii Savchenko ◽  
Vitalii Kurylo

The article deals with the analysis of the problem of patriotic education in the process of youth socialization in conditions of hybrid warfare. Based on their own personal many-years’ experience as educators and top-officials of the higher educational establishment which had been displaced from the military zone in the east of Ukraine and implementing a number of sociological methods of research, the authors state that patriotism can essentially influence the formation of an individual’s political culture in general identifying his attitude to the history, traditions and religious preferences of his nation, to the evaluation of the nation’s place and role in the modern world. The authors arrive at the conclusion that patriotism determines political orientations of an individual towards the political institutions of a society, towards a political system as well as towards an individual’s personal participation in the political life. A special emphasis is made on the idea that in modern Ukraine which actually faces Russia’s hybrid warfare in Donbas, patriotism serves as the most important value which does not only integrate a social potential of an individual but also his spiritual, moral and cultural potentials.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document