Bangladesh: From an Electoral Democracy to a Hybrid Regime (1991–2018)

2019 ◽  
pp. 21-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Riaz
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Hybrid Regime

The Hobbesian Moment

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-148
Author(s):  
Julio F. Carrión
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Change ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Inflection Point ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Political Dominance ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Permissive Condition ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Institutional Actors

This chapter reviews how once in power, populist leaders try to assert their political dominance, which is invariably contested by some societal and institutional actors, and shows how this moment of decisive political confrontation determines the ulterior trajectory of the populist government. If populist chief executives succeed during this moment, an aggrandized executive emerges and electoral democracy will transition to a hybrid regime; if they are defeated or constrained, the possibility of regime change is averted. The chapter identifies the permissive and productive conditions that explain the failure or success of populist leaders in emerging victorious from this inflection point. The key permissive condition is voters’ support for radical institutional change. The key productive condition is the ability of populist leaders to use the state’s repressive apparatus to impose their political will. An additional productive condition is sometimes present: the organization and mobilization of low-income voters to support the populist project.

Female Representation in Colombia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Almost All

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.

scholarly journals Winning, Losing, and the Quality of Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110261
Author(s):  
Richard Nadeau ◽  
Jean-François Daoust ◽  
Ruth Dassonneville
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Motivated Reasoning ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Comparative Study

Citizens who voted for a party that won the election are more satisfied with democracy than those who did not. This winner–loser gap has recently been found to vary with the quality of electoral democracy: the higher the quality of democracy, the smaller the gap. However, we do not know what drives this relationship. Is it driven by losers, winners, or both? And Why? Linking our work to the literature on motivated reasoning and macro salience and benefiting from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project—covering 163 elections in 51 countries between 1996 and 2018, our results show that the narrower winner–loser gap in well-established electoral democracies is not only a result of losers being more satisfied with democracy, but also of winners being less satisfied with their victory. Our findings carry important implications since a narrow winner–loser gap appears as a key feature of healthy democratic systems.

Politics and population health: Testing the impact of electoral democracy

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 66-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew C. Patterson ◽  
Gerry Veenstra
Keyword(s):  
Population Health ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
The Impact

scholarly journals Corrupting the Cyber-Commons: Social Media as a Tool of Autocratic Stability

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seva Gunitsky
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Rapid Evolution ◽  
Online Discourse ◽  
Public Preferences ◽  
Public Discussion ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Autocratic Regimes ◽  
Potential Tool

Non-democratic regimes have increasingly moved beyond merely suppressing online discourse, and are shifting toward proactively subverting and co-opting social media for their own purposes. Namely, social media is increasingly being used to undermine the opposition, to shape the contours of public discussion, and to cheaply gather information about falsified public preferences. Social media is thus becoming not merely an obstacle to autocratic rule but another potential tool of regime durability. I lay out four mechanisms that link social media co-optation to autocratic resilience: 1) counter-mobilization, 2) discourse framing, 3) preference divulgence, and 4) elite coordination. I then detail the recent use of these tactics in mixed and autocratic regimes, with a particular focus on Russia, China, and the Middle East. This rapid evolution of government social media strategies has critical consequences for the future of electoral democracy and state-society relations.

Workers, Citizens and the Argentine Nation: Party Politics and the Working Class in Rosario, 1912–3

1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-616
Author(s):  
MATTHEW B. KARUSH
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Class Consciousness ◽  
Port City ◽  
Electoral Democracy

The electoral democracy created by the Sáenz Peña Law of 1912 opened up dramatic new possibilities for working-class political identity. In the important port city of Rosario, the Radical politician Ricardo Caballero crafted a political discourse that combined an explicit defence of working-class interests with a nostalgic depiction of the country's rural past. By linking class consciousness with images drawn from the popular culture of the ‘gauchesque,’ Caballerismo constructed a distinctively working-class version of Argentine nationalism and citizenship.

Lessons from “Post-Yugoslav” Democratization

2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedran Džihić ◽  
Dieter Segert
Keyword(s):  
Political Regime ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Economic Practices ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Democratic Stability ◽  
In Transit

State weakness is one of the main obstacles for democratic stability. Yet under certain circumstances even a mere electoral democracy may gain stable support from the citizenry. Mere electoral democracy is best understood as a regime of elite governance endowed by a certain support from the citizens but without any ambition of the ruling elite to increase the quality of democratic rule. This article explores the historical reasons of this specific type of political regime in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia. Departing from the empirical examples from the Western Balkans, the article comes to some rather general conclusions about the concept and sequence of democratization: Conducting elections too early may produce serious challenges to sustainable democratization. The general population’s primary interest mostly lies in the stabilization of state apparatus and its ability to produce common goods rather than in the fast establishment of electoral democracy and formal democratic institutions. For a better understanding of the real level of specific course and paths of democratic “consolidation,” the democracy rankings like Nations in Transit and Bertelsmann should focus on in-depth analyses of the main actors’ political and economic practices.

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