How the public perceives the visual effects of timber harvesting: an evaluation of interest group preferences

1986 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen F. McCool ◽  
Robert E. Benson ◽  
Joseph L. Ashor
1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey E. Cohen

Between 1876 and 1917, government philosophy toward telephone regulation began moving away from laissez-faire and toward some kind of involvement in economic affairs. However, while some early studies of regulation suggest business hostility to that policy, AT&T actively sought regulation, jogging government and the public in that direction. But this study is not just a restatement of the interest-group-capture theory, as offered by such economists as Stigler or historians as Kolko. Regulation resulted from the convergence of interests of many affected players, including residential and business telephone subscribers, the independent telephone companies that competed with AT&T, and the state and federal governments, as well as AT&T. I employ a multiple interest theory to account for telephone regulation, but unlike other studies using such a framework, I suggest that government is an independent actor with impact on the final policy outcome, and not merely an arena where private interests battle for control over policy outcomes, as is so common among other multiple interest studies of regulation.


Author(s):  
Stefanie Walter ◽  
Ari Ray ◽  
Nils Redeker

The politics of adjustment in deficit countries were characterized by strong domestic discontent, leading to significant political upheaval. Why did policymakers in these countries nonetheless implement unprecedented austerity and painful structural reforms? Zooming in on the domestic drivers of this adjustment choice, this chapter highlights mechanisms by which internal adjustment grew more politically feasible in deficit countries. The chapter draws on original survey data on the policy preferences of 359 economic interest groups in Ireland, Spain and Greece. It finds that while groups were consistently negative to a full range of scenarios by which external adjustment could be achieved in deficit countries, their preferences toward austerity measures and structural reforms varied much more widely. This variation, it is argued, facilitated the formation of pro-internal adjustment coalitions in deficit country contexts. Moreover, the chapter shows that opportunity costs mattered. While opposed to internal adjustment in absolute terms, a large majority of interest groups in deficit countries grew pliable to the prospect of it when faced with a choice between this and the alternative of abandoning the euro; even if internal adjustment programs were comprised of policies that groups themselves distinctly opposed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 543-556
Author(s):  
Michael J Donnelly ◽  
Md Mujahedul Islam ◽  
Justin Savoie

A main avenue for influencing public policy available to unions and business is public opinion campaigning. As groups with substantial credibility in the minds of the public, unions and employers have the potential to move immigration attitudes and, thereby, have a long-term indirect influence on immigration policy. The article asks, first, who is (not) convinced by arguments from business or labour leaders and second, what messages are most convincing. We present the results of a survey experiment in three very different immigration regimes and interest group environments (Canada, the UK and Germany). The results suggest that the net effects of public arguments are small, but vary widely across demographic groups.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 476-478
Author(s):  
Gary McKissick

In an age when commercials bombard us with plain folk (from central casting) ruminating about the latest proposal in Congress and when "astroturf" more often refers to syn- thetically manufactured grassroots activity than to stadium playing fields, evidence that groups frequently "go public" is easy to come by. Nevertheless, these efforts to reach and use the public have received little systematic attention from political scientists. Ken Kollman aims to fill this substantial gap in interest group scholarship. Outside Lobbying is an impressive effort, one that should invigorate further inquiry into this important aspect of interest group advocacy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Innes ◽  
Stephen Polasky ◽  
John Tschirhart

Preserving endangered species on private land benefits the public, but may confer cost on landowners if property is 'taken.' Government compensation to landowners can offset costs, although the Endangered Species Act does not require compensation. The authors survey private economic incentives for species preservation created by alternative property rights and compensation regimes. Compensation will effect investments in land and the willingness of landowners to collect and impart information about their land's preservation value. The authors also address government incentives and how deadweight costs of compensation will influence design of property rights, and how government's susceptibility to interest group pressure may cause inefficient preservation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Rasmussen ◽  
Brendan J. Carroll ◽  
David Lowery

1969 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  

In 1961 Robert C. Tucker argued, contrary to the then prevailing assumption of the uniform nature of totalitarian systems, that such systems could be classified into several different types for purposes of analysis. Subsequently, H. Gordon Skilling applied interest group theory to his study of Communist politics and, by doing so, also called into question the case for regarding totalitarian governments as a single category of states possessing unique attributes. Skilling asserted that Communist states cannot be considered “conflictless,” as is sometimes assumed, but can be more adequately understood in terms of the competing social forces commonly found in non-Communist societies. Because of the special, but varying, limits imposed by a central leadership elite on the public expression of conflict in the several Communist-run countries, he added, Communist political parties could play special and quite diverse roles. His thesis contrasts with that of Carl J. Friedrich, which stresses the uniformity of the party's role under totalitarianism. According to Professor Friedrich, in his discussions of “the unique character of totalitarian society,” the presence of a single mass party is a common feature of all totalitarian politics, and is “typically either superior to, or completely commingled with the bureaucratic organization.” While Friedrich in his later work, written jointly with Zbigniew K. Brzezinski, acknowledges that “within the broad pattern of similarities, there are many significant variations” in totalitarian dictatorships, the authors' emphasis is on the novelty and uniqueness of these dictatorships. They state:


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Jungherr ◽  
Alexander Wuttke ◽  
Matthias Mader ◽  
Harald Schoen

Abstract Interest groups increasingly communicate with the public, yet we know little about how effective they are in shaping opinions. Since interest groups differ from other public communicators, we propose a theory of interest group persuasion. Interest groups typically have a low public profile, and so most people are unlikely to have strong attitudes regarding them. Source-related predispositions, such as credibility assessments, are therefore less relevant in moderating effects of persuasive appeals by interest groups than those of high-profile communicators. We test this argument in multiple large-scale studies. A parallel survey and field experiment (N = 4,659) establishes the persuasive potential of low-profile interest groups in both controlled and realistic settings. An observational study (N = 700) shows that substantial portions of the public are unable to assess interest group credibility. A survey experiment (N = 8,245) demonstrates that credibility assessments moderate the impact of party but not interest group communication.


2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 221-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Holyoke

Does the exchange model used to explain interest group influence with Congress and the bureaucracy hold leverage over patterns of lobbyist contact with the president? In this paper I argue that there is good reason to believe that it does not. Rather, I argue that the president and his immediate staff often keep interest groups at arm’s length. Instead of being able to acquire face time with senior administration staff to press their own cases, lobbyists are largely granted access only when they are needed to build support for the president’s policy agenda in Congress or with the public. Using data drawn in part from the 1996 filings of interest groups under the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995, I analyze lobbyists’ contact with the White House to learn what types of circumstances appear to drive contact between interest groups and the president. The evidence suggests that the president-interest group connection is largely determined by the White House based on ideological congruence rather than a two-way flow of communication and influence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-107
Author(s):  
Sitti Maesurah

AbstractAdvertising is one of the most important things in supporting the success of the goods or services offered to the public. Television advertisements are one of the advertisements that are often seen by the public because of the excess audio visual effects. In modern society, there are hardly any people who are not preoccupied with advertising activities. This can help us to realize and understand how important it is to have an institution or institution that integrates all the components and mechanics involved in advertising. Because, advertising is used by everyone, not only by the users of consumer goods, but in essence related to the mass information system in the political, economic, social, cultural and technological fields. Each other interacts using the information system referred to and spread all the problems associated with the system, including religious issues. From this description, what synopsis of Tokopedia "Resign" ads will be explored. This research shows that Tokopedia advertisement is considered not effective enough to convey a message even though this advertisement is quite entertaining for some people. But the message conveyed was blurred because so many meanings could be created from the short 30 second ad. But at least this advertisement can still fulfill the function as brand awareness. Keywords: Advertising, Synopsis, Marketing, Marketing Communication.


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