scholarly journals “Teach more, but do not expect any applause”: Are Women Doubly Discriminated Against in Universities’ Recruitment Processes?

Author(s):  
Douglas Brommesson ◽  
Gissur Ó Erlingsson ◽  
Jörgen Ödalen ◽  
Mattias Fogelgren

Abstract Studies repeatedly find that women and men experience life in academia differently. Importantly, the typical female academic portfolio contains less research but more teaching and administrative duties. The typical male portfolio, on the other hand, contains more research but less teaching and administration. Since previous research has suggested that research is a more valued assignment than teaching in academia, we hypothesise that men will be ranked higher in the peer-evaluations that precede hirings to tenured positions in Swedish academia. We analyze 861 peer review assessments of applicants in 111 recruitment processes in Economics, Political Science, and Sociology at the six largest Swedish universities. Our findings confirm that the premises established in previous research are valid in Sweden too: Women have relatively stronger teaching merits and men relatively stronger research merits, and also that, on balance, research is rewarded more when applicants are ranked by reviewers. Accordingly, male applicants are ranked higher compared to female applicants.

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Sartori

THE PHRASE ‘SOCIOLOGY OF POLITICS’ UNMISTAKABLY INDICATES A sub-field, a subdivision of the overall field of sociology – like sociology of religion, sociology of leisure and the like. By saying sociology of politics we make clear that the framework, the approach or the focus of the inquiry is sociological.The phrase ‘political sociology’ is, on the other hand, unclear. It may be used as a synonym for ‘sociology of politics’, but it may not. When saying political sociology the focus or the approach of the inquiry generally remains unspecified. Since political phenomena are a concern for many disciplines, this ambiguity turns out to be a serious drawback. This is particularly apparent in Europe, where many scholars share Maurice Duverger's view that ‘in a general way the two labels (political sociology and political science) are synonymous’. This view is very convenient, is particularly successful among European sociologists eager to expand to the detriment of political scientists, and for this very reason goes a long way towards explaining the persistent lag of political science in Europe.


2018 ◽  
pp. 107-127
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Picavet

In several avenues of contemporary research, much attention is devoted to the contrast between the real authority of institution and their formal power, in the analysis of institutional funtionings; also in the study of the relationships between institutions on the one hand, rules, principles or norms on the other hand. Such a contrast appears to be based on familiar observations: the capacity of institutions to get their preferred outcomes (their so-called „real authority”) is sometimes loosely connected with the hierarchical prerogatives of the considered institutions (their „formal power”). More particularly, current studies of the „migration authority” bring out possible shitts in real authority while there is no changein the formal structure of power. This article will partly consist  in the explanation of recent results of common reaserch in project „Delicom”, in which a formal treatment of the distinction has been put foward. This approach will be set against the background of recent contributions in political science or economics (in the works of Ph. Aghion and J. Tirole, J. Backhaus, L. Thorlakson). The revelance of the problematic for the study of competence delegation among institutions will be stressed all along.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Irene Viparelli

Why transdisciplinary theory seems to be indifferent to political thought; focusing mainly on the domains of epistemology, ethics and education? Searching a response, we will divided the analyse into three fundamental moments: first, we will try to clarify what’s “transdisciplinarity”. Then, we will explore the relationship between transdisciplinarity and disciplinary knowledge, focusing on the specific relationship between transdisciplinarity and political science. Finally, we will advance two hypotheses: on the one hand, we’ll demonstrate that “politics” is “the removed” of transdisciplinarity, on the other hand, we’ll suggest the need of a “politicization” of transdisciplinary theory to achieve its main objective: being a theory involved in the transformation of the world Resumo O questionamento em torno das condições de possibilidade e das consequências duma abordagem transdisciplinar da política embate logo no problema da essencial indiferença da transdisciplinaridade face ao pensamento político; a reflexão transdisciplinar focando-se até agora principalmente nos domínios da epistemologia, da ética, da educação. A nossa análise dividir-se-á em três momentos fundamentais: em primeiro lugar, e de forma preliminar, cuidaremos de esclarecer o que é para intender com “transdisciplinaridade”. Em seguida, especificando a nossa investigação, levaremos a cabo uma análise da relação entre transdisciplinaridade e saberes disciplinares, focando o olhar quer na relação geral entre transdisciplinaridade e ciências humanas quer na específica entre a transdisciplinaridade e a ciência política. Por fim, avançaremos duas hipóteses fundamentais, estritamente ligadas entre elas: por um lado a de que o “político” representa o “removido” da transdisciplinaridade, por outro, e por conseguinte, a de que apenas uma “politização” do dispositivo teórico transdisciplinar lhe permitiria alcançar o seu principal objetivo: tornar-se uma teoria capaz de desempenhar um papel ativo na transformação do mundo.


1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles A. Beard

Since our Association was founded more than forty years ago, many things have happened under the head of political science. Men and women as political animals have supplied scholars with new data sufficient in volume and variety to satisfy the most exacting minds in the profession. At our annual sessions, numerous learned papers have been read and discussed. At our universities, new courses of studies have flowered luxuriantly. From the workshops of the guild, books and articles have poured forth in a copious stream. Several of our members have achieved distinction, indeed renown, in the public services; while, as far as I can discover, none has been sent to prison under the presidential decree of 1947 against that type of lawful dissent stigmatized as subversive activity. As if in testimony to our good works, it should be added that the amount of money now laid out per annum for political science is many times the sum expended long ago when we were young.It might seem, then, an act of temerity even to suggest that anything under the sun has been neglected or less than perfectly disposed of in our golden age, our best of promised lands. Undoubtedly it is temerarious for one like myself, with eyes full of beams, to raise questions about stray motes in the eyes of members who may be properly satisfied with their accomplishments. Yet, on the other hand, there is some authority in our tradition and methodology, no less than in the practice of free enterprise, for occasional surveys or audits designed to find out whether in fact our liabilities are fully covered by assets, fixed and liquid.


2021 ◽  

Is Plato’s philosophy still relevant for current issues in politics and political science? In order to answer this question, the contributions to this volume endeavour to re-read the Platonic dialogues and to interpret them in terms of textual hermeneutics on the one hand. On the other hand, they refer to Plato from a systematic point of view and apply his philosophy, in particular the method of Socratic dialogue, to discussions on contemporary political issues. The volume is dedicated to Barbara Zehnpfennig, whose works aim at making Socratic–Platonic philosophy fruitful for the present on the basis of a new interpretation of Plato’s philosophy. With contributions by Anke Adamik, Sarah Al-Taher, Viktoria Bachmann, Philip Breuer, Johanna Falk-Seifert, Bettina Fröhlich, Benjamin A. Hahn, Hendrik Hansen, Thomas Haslböck, Raul Heimann, Johannes Frank Hoerlin, Vanessa Jansche, Peter Kainz, Christina Kast, Eva-Maria Kaufmann, Ulrich Kühn, Laura Martena, Julian Obenauer, Victor Peneff und Thomas Wimmer.


2014 ◽  
Vol 89 (5) ◽  
pp. 1775-1803 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive S. Lennox ◽  
Xi Wu ◽  
Tianyu Zhang

ABSTRACT Opponents of mandatory rotation argue that a change of partner is bad for audit quality, as it results in a loss of client-specific knowledge. On the other hand, proponents argue that a change of partner is beneficial, as it results in a positive peer review effect and a fresh perspective on the audit. We test the impact of mandatory partner rotation on audit quality using a unique dataset of audit adjustments in China. Our results suggest that mandatory rotation of engagement partners results in higher quality audits in the years immediately surrounding rotation. Specifically, we find a significantly higher frequency of audit adjustments during the departing partner's final year of tenure prior to mandatory rotation and during the incoming partner's first year of tenure following mandatory rotation.


1967 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 983-988 ◽  
Author(s):  
James N. Rosenau

When the laws of social dynamics are codified, surely the First will be that people see what they want to see. Given its universality, the First Law is no less applicable to scholars than anyone else. As political scientists, seeing what we want to see in a colleague's work, we find it “insightful,” “constructive,” and “important”; alternatively, not seeing in it what we want to see or, even worse, seeing what we don't want to see, we find it “turgid,” “misleading,” and “trivial.”So it is with Hanrieder's formulation. Since it is only a bare outline and contains no data, no one is likely to regard his article as a definitive statement, but reactions to it are likely to be quite varied and conflicting. Some readers, especially those who worry about the prevalence of a malady they call “methodologism” in political science, will see in Hanrieder's effort to develop the concepts of compatibility and consensus yet another case of the quibbling over words that is the prime symptom of this affliction. After all, such critics will point out, compatibility and consensus are, respectively, only thirteen- and nine-letter words and to claim great explanatory power for them without elaboration is to substitute the form of language for the substance of thought. In a similar manner those long committed to a particular framework for examining foreign policy phenomena will preserve their commitment and wonder why Hanrieder makes so much fuss about the need for a new formulation when the available conceptual equipment seems capable of handling the convergence of national and international politics. After all, these analysts will conclude, Hanrieder himself says that researchers should be less inclined to create new schemes and more ready to build on existing ones; why, then, does he not follow his own advice?On the other hand, analysts who are themselves perplexed by the convergence of national and international politics are likely to be more sympathetic to Hanrieder's effort, if not to its result. They may have doubts as to whether Hanrieder's unqualified claims for the concepts of compatibility and consensus are justified, but they will see his article as a serious attempt to confront a genuine and difficult problem.


2020 ◽  

In reaction to François Jullien’s essay ‘There is no cultural identity’, this volume discusses questions and problems of cultural identity from the perspectives of different disciplines in times of newly emerging lines of conflict between open and closed societies, hyperculture and cultural essentialism as well as cosmopolitanism and communitarianism in late modernity. On the one hand, the book emphasises theoretical interpretations of the concept from the perspectives of political science, sociology and philosophy (of law), which liberate it from its static and essentialist substance in order to include praxeological, dynamic, transformative and collective as well as individual aspects. On the other hand, it brings empirical constructions and debates into focus—from identity narratives, representations and performances, via their use as a political slogan in discourses, to the question of the compatibility of cultural identities with democracy in principle.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Jens Hacke

In his contribution, Jens Hacke considers the potentials of a liberal reception of Schmitt from the perspective of political science. On the one hand, he highlights the descriptive value of some of Schmitt’s theorems when being taken up and modified under liberal premises. On the other hand, he argues that liberal positions can gain in profile by confronting Schmitt's objections. Moreover, Hacke argues that Schmitt’s affirmative explanations of concepts such as “people”, “unity”, and “homogeneity” can provide insights into current populist mechanisms that weaken present democracies.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel L. Seiler

The purpose of this article is to create a method for determining regions which is suitable for political science. The criteria proposed to define a “political region” are based on the concepts of political cleavages and party systems. Applying this framework of analysis to Belgium and Switzerland makes it possible to establish two very different kinds of regions. In the case of Switzerland, the proposed political regions do not correspond to linguistic areas but are instead combinations of religious and industrial factors. On the other hand, in the case of Belgium the suggested political regions reflect the tensions among the Flemings, Walloons, residents of Brussels, and German-speaking Belgians.


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