Where from, where to? New and old configurations in Poland’s foreign and security policy priorities

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerry Longhurst
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Relative Strength ◽  
The Past ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Polish Foreign ◽  
The Eu

The past 20 years have seen profound shifts in Polish foreign and security policy. Like other states in Central Europe Poland became part of the Euro-Atlantic sphere upon gaining first NATO and then EU membership. Despite such broad similarities, Poland’s trajectory since 1989 has been marked by some specific and defining features. Poland has become the most significant player in Central Europe and tends to be viewed in the region as a leader, twinned with this, due to its size and relative strength, Poland is taken seriously at the EU table. At the same time, there has been a palpable shift in Polish Atlanticism and a more skeptical view of the US has emerged. This article explores the sources of these reconfigurations and considers their potential implications.

scholarly journals European Union and NATO: Transforming the transatlantic partnership

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sofija Siriski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Response Force ◽  
Rogue States ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Eu

Constructive and cooperative European Union and NATO relations are very important for global stability. But today transatlantic relation are in crisis and there is some evidence that the growing number of the disputes, including over Iraq, the Israel-Palestine conflict, dealing with "rogue states" and terrorism, are having a major impact on European foreign and security policy, and even the process of European integration. NATO adapted well after the end of the Cold War but since September 11th, however, NATO has faced something of an existential crisis. The US chose to fight the Afghan and Iraq war largely on its own, alongside European allies. Many American are stressing that NATO can only remain relevant if it is prepared and able to tackle pressing international terrorism and the spread of weapons of mass destruction. To safeguard NATO's future role the US has proposed that the European allies should help to develop a Rapid Response Force inside NATO. It wants the EU to provide troops that would be able to operate alongside America's forces. European, meanwhile, have their own set of concerns. The EU has no concept of how to deal with the world's only superpower. Too often there is a preference for bilateral as opposed to EU channels, and because of that the EU urgently needs a security strategy. The lack of a coherent EU foreign policy also inhibits the ability of the EU and if the Europeans can build a more coherent foreign policy, the US will have a greater interest in listening to what they say. EU leaders also need to assess the suitability of the EU's military doctrine and institutions for the challenges it faces. The transformation of transatlantic co-operation requires changes on both sides. Differences between the US and Europe exist but they should not be exaggerated. What is needed is to broaden the transatlantic dialogue to include the critical security challenges for both sides.

Facing its Waterloo in diplomacy: Turkey's military in the foreign policy-making process

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 83-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gencer Özcan
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Northern Iraq ◽  
The Us ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Harmonization Process ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Military ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe article deals with the decline in the military's influence on the foreign and security policy making process in Turkey. Turkey's harmonization process with the EU that gained momentum in the early 2000s and the US invasion of Iraq in April of 2003 seem to have played a key role in this transformation. While the EU reforms provided for the gradual elimination of legal prerogatives of the military, the increasing US influence in Iraq limited the military's operational power and led to a situation in which it could not exert influence in Northern Iraq, a key area for Turkeys security.

Het moeilijke keren van een kolos de Europese Unie in 1995

Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 607-630
Author(s):  
Bart Kerremans
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Economic And Monetary Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Past ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

In 1995 the newly enlarged European Union has proved to be capable to handle its problems and to take decisions in a large array of issues. The EU tried to cope with unemployment, continued the preparation of the third stage of the Economic and Monetary Union, adopted its 1996 budget decisions relatively smoothly, and intensified its relations with different parts of the world. On the other hand however, enlargement itself is increasingly affecting the Union as it preparing itself for the upcoming accession of some of its Central European and Mediterranean neighbors. The northern member states look with some suspicion at the budgetary consequences and already show a lot of restraint in paying more to the EU-budget, for the sake of their southern counterparts. Some member states are looking for a balanced enlargement in which the eastern enlargement would be counterbalanced by a Mediterranean one, and for a balance in the financial support that is provided by the EU to third countries. The biggest issue is however, the institutional adaptation of the European Union to a new enlargement. The preparations of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conferencethat took place in 1995, have shown however, that this process will be a difficult one. With the 1995 enlargement, the European Union has increased the number ofmember states that perceive the process of European integration primarily as an economic one. This will make institutional adaptations more difficult and risks to paralyze the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the Union even more than it already did in the past few years. Stated differently, 1995 has left a number of question marks on the EU's future. Whether these will disappear soon, 1996 will show.

Foreign Policy

2020 ◽  
pp. 469-486
Author(s):  
Henrik Larsen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Dominant Discourse ◽  
The Past ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Nordic Cooperation ◽  
The Eu

The chapter presents the dominant discourse in Danish foreign policy. The dominant discourse articulates the EU as essential and the key platform for Danish foreign policy, while NATO and the United States are also articulated as crucial if mainly in the field of security. The articulation of an activism that breaks with the strategic passivity in the past is the background for Denmark’s participation in conflicts in Syria and Iraq. The UN and in particular Nordic cooperation are not attributed the same value as the EU and NATO/the United States. However, particularly from the Foreign and Security Policy Strategy 2019–20, tendencies towards an even stronger Danish emphasis on the EU, multilateralism, international rules, and on issue areas such as security in the neighbourhood, immigration, the Arctic, and trade are identified. The chapter raises the question of whether the ensemble of these tendencies will challenge or reinforce the EU’s and NATO’s central roles.

scholarly journals The Biosimilar Landscape: An Overview of Regulatory Approvals by the EMA and FDA

Pharmaceutics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Ioana Gherghescu ◽  
M. Begoña Delgado-Charro
Keyword(s):  
Drug Administration ◽  
Action Plan ◽  
European Medicines Agency ◽  
Patient Access ◽  
Clinical Evaluations ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Improve Patient ◽  
The Eu

Biosimilar medicines expand the biotherapeutic market and improve patient access. This work looked into the landscape of the European and US biosimilar products, their regulatory authorization, market availability, and clinical evaluation undergone prior to the regulatory approval. European Medicines Agency (EMEA, currently EMA) and Food and Drug Administration (FDA) repositories were searched to identify all biosimilar medicines approved before December 2019. Adalimumab biosimilars, and particularly their clinical evaluations, were used as a case study. In the past 13 years, the EMA has received 65 marketing authorization applications for biosimilar medicines with 55 approved biosimilars available in the EU market. Since the first biosimilar approval in 2015, the FDA has granted 26 approvals for biosimilars with only 11 being currently on the US market. Five adalimumab biosimilars have been approved in the EU and commercialized as eight different medicines through duplicate marketing authorizations. Whilst three of these are FDA-approved, the first adalimumab biosimilar will not be marketed in the US until 2023 due to Humira’s exclusivity period. The EU biosimilar market has developed faster than its US counterpart, as the latter is probably challenged by a series of patents and exclusivity periods protecting the bio-originator medicines, an issue addressed by the US’s latest ‘Biosimilar Action Plan’.

Judicial review of Common Foreign and Security Policy by the ECtHR and the (re)negotiation on the accession of the EU to the ECHR

2021 ◽  
pp. 1023263X2198824
Author(s):  
Maria José Rangel de Mesquita
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Judicial Control ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Conclusion Section ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

The article addresses the issue of judicial control of the implementation of Common Foreign and Security Policy at international regional level within the framework of the relaunching of the negotiation in view of the accession of the EU to the ECHR. Considering the extent of jurisdiction of the CJEU in respect of Common Foreign and Security Policy field in the light of its case law (sections 1 and 2), it analyses the question of judicial review of Common Foreign and Security Policy within international regional justice by the ECtHR in the light of the ongoing negotiations (section 3), in the perspective of the relationship between non-national courts (section 3.A), having as background the (2013) Draft Agreement of accession (section 3.B.1). After addressing the relaunching of the negotiation procedure (section 3.B.2) and the issue of CFSP control by the ECtHR according to the recent (re)negotiation meetings (section 3.B.3), some concrete proposals, including for the redrafting of the accession agreement, will be put forward (section 3.B.4), as well as a conclusion (section 4).

Judicial review of Common Foreign and Security Policy by the ECtHR and the (re)negotiation on the accession of the EU to the ECHR

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-370
Author(s):  
Maria José Rangel de Mesquita
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Judicial Control ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Conclusion Section ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

The article addresses the issue of judicial control of the implementation of Common Foreign and Security Policy at international regional level within the framework of the relaunching of the negotiation in view of the accession of the EU to the ECHR. Considering the extent of jurisdiction of the CJEU in respect of Common Foreign and Security Policy field in the light of its case law (sections 1 and 2), it analyses the question of judicial review of Common Foreign and Security Policy within international regional justice by the ECtHR in the light of the ongoing negotiations (section 3), in the perspective of the relationship between non-national courts (section 3.A), having as background the (2013) Draft Agreement of accession (section 3.B.1). After addressing the relaunching of the negotiation procedure (section 3.B.2) and the issue of CFSP control by the ECtHR according to the recent (re)negotiation meetings (section 3.B.3), some concrete proposals, including for the redrafting of the accession agreement, will be put forward (section 3.B.4), as well as a conclusion (section 4).

The Intergovernmental Constitution of the EU's Foreign, Security & Defence Executive

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Thym
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
External Action ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Executive Order ◽  
Policy Changes ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Pillar Structure ◽  
The Eu

European Union – Common Foreign and Security Policy – Changes with the abolition of the pillar structure by the Lisbon Treaty – Common Security and Defence Policy – Executive order of the EU – Between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism – The role of the High Representative – Joint political leadership – The European External Action Service as an administrative infrastructure – Constitutionalisation of foreign affairs

Europeanisation and Foreign and Security Policy – Undermining or Rescuing the Nation State?

Politics ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Major
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
National Level ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Constitutive Process ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Intergovernmental Policy ◽  
The Eu

The article aims to explore the utility of Europeanisation as a concept to grasp the interactions between national and European levels. The article illustrates how the EU impacts on the national level of policy, polity and the politics of Member States and assesses how the role of nation states within the European political system has changed as a result. First, the existing definitions of Europeanisation are critically assessed, contextualised and delimited. Initially developed for communitised policy areas in the first pillar, Europeanisation is defined as an interactive, ongoing and mutually constitutive process of ‘Europeanising’ and ‘Europeanised’ countries, linking national and European levels. Defining Europeanisation as ‘domestic change’, the article then discusses mechanisms, objects and forms, as well as the criteria and conditions of change. The article subsequently seeks to clarify the validity of the Europeanisation concept in capturing the increasing interwovenness of national and European spheres in intergovernmental policy fields situated in the second pillar of the EU, that is, foreign and security policy. Inherent methodological challenges, mainly due to the deficient delimitation of Europeanisation and the intergovernmental character of this policy field are discussed as well as the particularities of its applicability in this unique policy area.

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