Has Populism Eroded the Quality of European Democracy?

2019 ◽  
pp. 84-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertjan Verbeek ◽  
Andrej Zaslove
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
Nataliia Khoma ◽  
Ihor Vdovychyn

The issues of the EU’s activities concerning the quality of democracy in member states are studied. On the examples of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, the effectiveness of EU projects to continue the liberal-democratic transformation in member states with a post-totalitarian past where the risk of regression of democracy remains, is assessed. The current goals of the EU are described as being insufficient in terms of properly preventing and counteracting the decline of the quality of democracy, as well as for inculcating the values of liberal democracy. The need to intensify the EU’s activities in the direction of monitoring the observance of democratic standards is explained by the stagnation/regression of the quality of democracy in the countries of the recent EU enlargements, including the Baltic States. The actions of the EU’s institutions towards member states, where democracy shows stagnation/regression, are assessed as inconsistent, due to the possible consequences of this destructive process. The EU’s lack of attention to strengthening the values on which the EU is based is emphasized, which is seen as the main reason for the present deterioration in the quality of democracy. The requirement to construct a new format of European democracy and new mechanisms to ensure its quality is highlighted.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-16
Author(s):  
Nataliia Khoma ◽  
Ihor Vdovychyn

The article’s purpose is to assess the effectiveness of EU policies concerning strengthen the quality of democracy in the member states. The research methods are aimed at proving the hypothesis about a decrease in impact (initiatives, control, etc.) of EU institutions on deepening democratic modernization, as a result of a discrepancy on debatable issues between the “young” democracies of the EU (like the Baltic States) and the liberal democratic course of the EU. The research is based on the methodology of neo-institutionalism, value approach and political comparative studies. The results of the study have led to the conclusion that the current goals of the EU are not sufficiently focused on the issue of the quality of democracy in the member states. The need to revitalize the EU in the direction of monitoring the observance of democratic standards is explained by the stagnation/regression of the quality of democracy in these states of the latest EU expansion. The actions of EU institutions in relation to member states, where stagnation/regression of democracy has been manifested, were assessed as inappropriate regarding the possible consequences of this destructive process. Insufficient attention by the EU to strengthening its values on which the EU is based was noted, that is seen as the main reason for the current deterioration in the quality of democracy. The urgency of this new format for European democracy, of really effective mechanisms for ensuring its quality was stated. The authors mentioned a number of open questions that require further study, in particular: 1) are EU initiatives able to reduce the democratic deficit in its member states?; 2) how strong should the EU's control be over the observance of these standards and values of democracy so that it does not contradict the principles of democracy? Attention is drawn to the need of further clarifying these mechanisms which the EU should implement in relation to its member states in order to strengthen the quality of national democratic political systems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. e71939
Author(s):  
Alazne Irigoien

This article analyses the state of democracy in the European Union (EU) using gender lens on the Treaty of Lisbon and three of the main European crises in the first decade since its entry into force (2009-2019): the economic crisis (2008-2014); Brexit (2017–2020) and the democratic decline and triggering of Article 7 TEU against Poland and Hungary (2017 and 2018 respectively). By drawing on feminist democracy theory, it shows the interdependent connections of democracy and gender equality in the analysed European crises. It examines the two dimensions of the double democratic deficit through gender lens –the underrepresentation of women and gender sensitivity– in the adoption and provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon and European decision-making and responses to the crises. It argues that the gender-blind European responses to the crises of the first decade of the Treaty of Lisbon have contributed –among other factors– to the deterioration of the EU’s democratic structures and procedures, and have also, in turn, contributed to restraining progress on gender equality and exacerbating gender inequality across different member states. Given Ursula Von der Leyen’s declared plans for a “new push for European democracy”, and the new EU crisis emerged by the Covid-19 virus pandemic, the article points to some key gender aspects that might be worth considering for the future of the European democratic project.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110586
Author(s):  
Asimina Michailidou ◽  
Hans-Jörg Trenz

In this article, we explore three possible scenarios for the role of EU correspondents in a post-pandemic media landscape that is marked not only by the mainstreaming of misinformation but also by an EU regulatory turn that aims to support media in the post-pandemic era and to stamp out the culture of ‘fake news’. EU correspondents are best placed to function as translators of EU technocratic and differentiated governance. Such a function is a prerequisite to critically assess the content and quality of decision-making, when demands of national EU readerships for EU news are limited and resources for quality journalism restricted. We submit that whether this function of EU correspondents will materialise in the (post-)pandemic era hinges not on their capacity to contribute to the elusive ‘European public sphere’ but on how the EU's action plan for the recovery and transformation of media organisations will interact with the multiple challenges journalists are already facing in the digital era. We propose three scenarios on how such an institutional settlement of EU journalism may play out: mimicry, fragmentation, and decoupling. The aim is twofold: Firstly, to set out a research agenda for empirical investigation of the EU correspondents’ role in European democracy under constant transformation. And secondly, to argue normatively the case for safeguarding the independence and viability of specialist and/or transnational professional journalism bodies, even if these appear increasingly irrelevant from a commercial perspective.


Author(s):  
Joseph Lacey

This part of the project was dedicated to providing a) an account of the European political community and regime and b) an assessment of the quality of the democratic relationship between these two components of the EU political system. It is clear that the EU is a special kind of political system, characterized as a demoi-cracy, which suffers from serious democratic deficiencies. The question now becomes whether or not it is possible to significantly improve upon the EU’s democratic credentials in light of the challenge to democracy posed by the LFT. A great deal hinges on the answer to this question. If the LFT is an insurmountable obstacle to European democracy, so long as there are linguistically divided public spheres, then we must either a) give up on a democratically legitimate EU or b) seek a singular public sphere for Europe by encouraging the development of a lingua franca. While the latter option ...


2012 ◽  
pp. 199-220
Author(s):  
Martin Rosema ◽  
Catherine E. de Vries
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
K. T. Tokuyasu

During the past investigations of immunoferritin localization of intracellular antigens in ultrathin frozen sections, we found that the degree of negative staining required to delineate u1trastructural details was often too dense for the recognition of ferritin particles. The quality of positive staining of ultrathin frozen sections, on the other hand, has generally been far inferior to that attainable in conventional plastic embedded sections, particularly in the definition of membranes. As we discussed before, a main cause of this difficulty seemed to be the vulnerability of frozen sections to the damaging effects of air-water surface tension at the time of drying of the sections.Indeed, we found that the quality of positive staining is greatly improved when positively stained frozen sections are protected against the effects of surface tension by embedding them in thin layers of mechanically stable materials at the time of drying (unpublished).


Author(s):  
L. D. Jackel

Most production electron beam lithography systems can pattern minimum features a few tenths of a micron across. Linewidth in these systems is usually limited by the quality of the exposing beam and by electron scattering in the resist and substrate. By using a smaller spot along with exposure techniques that minimize scattering and its effects, laboratory e-beam lithography systems can now make features hundredths of a micron wide on standard substrate material. This talk will outline sane of these high- resolution e-beam lithography techniques.We first consider parameters of the exposure process that limit resolution in organic resists. For concreteness suppose that we have a “positive” resist in which exposing electrons break bonds in the resist molecules thus increasing the exposed resist's solubility in a developer. Ihe attainable resolution is obviously limited by the overall width of the exposing beam, but the spatial distribution of the beam intensity, the beam “profile” , also contributes to the resolution. Depending on the local electron dose, more or less resist bonds are broken resulting in slower or faster dissolution in the developer.


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